Revista TOMO, São Cristóvão, v. 44, e22762, 2025

DOI:10.21669/tomo.v44.22762

Special Issue - Coastal Squeeze: Beaches under Socio-Economic

and Ecological Pressure

E-ISSN:2318-9010 / ISSN:1517-4549

Special Issue

The Sky is no longer the limit”: The Dilemmas of the Real

Estate Overvaluation in Balneário Camboriú, Brazil

Varlei Rui Ertel*1

Marcia Mazon*2

Abstract

This article examines how transformations in coastal occupation reveal the consequences of the dynamics

of real estate valuation in the case of Balneário Camboriú (BC), Santa Catarina, Brazil, which is one of the

main national centers of real estate valuation. The present study employs a Bourdieusian perspective, parti-

cularly the concept of doxa, to investigate how practices and discourses serve to legitimize the commodifica-

tion of the beachfront. The methodological approach involves conducting a semantic content analysis of the

dissemination of podcast episodes featuring real estate agents within the region. They have been identified

as a key element to promote specific properties. The research findings denote that this phenomenon is faci-

litated by discourses surrounding media representation, which serve to perpetuate the notion of exclusive

access to beachfront properties. The promotion of enterprises in videos and podcasts emphasizes a lifestyle

based on the consumption of high-standard goods and services, consolidating the beach not only as a leisure

space, but also as a financial asset. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that profitability and urban safety

emerge as the predominant factors for attracting investors, thereby reinforcing the notion of BC as a refuge

for particular social groups.

Keywords: Symbolic construction of space; Coastal occupation; Mediatization; Balneário Camboriú.

*

Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Center for Philosophy and Human Sciences, Graduate Program in Sociology and

Political Science, Florianópolis, Santa Catarina, Brazil. E-mail: varleiruiertel@gmail.com Orcid: https://orcid.org/0009-

0006-8168-2497 CrediT: Conceptualization, Investigation, Methodology, and Original Draft Writing

** Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Center for Philosophy and Human Sciences, Graduate Program in Sociology and

Political Science, Florianópolis, Santa Catarina, Brazil. E-mail: marciadasilvamazon@yahoo.com.br Orcid: https://orcid.

org/0000-0002-2953-1089 CrediT: Conceptualization, Supervision, Writing – Review and Editing.

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Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

Introduction

Social science studies have explored the occupation of the beachfront in all its complexity. It is

addressing aspects ranging from the influence of the real estate market (cf. Loloum and Aledo,

2018) and the dynamics of consumption (cf. Sartore and Coffey, 2020) to the power relations of

elites that intertwine both processes (cf. Bruno and Salle, 2018). A historical and cultural pro-

cess can be observed that reconfigures the beach as a socially desired space for various social

groups and, in certain contexts, as economically overvalued. This transformation sheds light on

the dynamism of nature appropriation, which is shaped by a variety of political, cultural, and

economic factors that involve both material and symbolic dimensions (cf. Corbin, 1989; Ritchie,

2021; Low, 2025).

In Brazil, an empirical field has yet to be thoroughly explored among sociologists, despite its po-

tential to deepen the understanding of these beach dynamics. The case of Balneário Camboriú,

now commonly referred to as BC, a coastal city in the state of Santa Catarina, offers a promising

avenue for research. In recent decades, BC has solidified its position as a preeminent center for

real estate valuation in the country. This prominence has led to its nickname “the Brazilian Dubai,”

a reference to an urbanization model characterized by the development of skyscrapers. In accor-

dance with this phenomenon, the price per square meter in BC and neighboring cities, such as

Itapema and Itajaí, has exhibited an upward trend over the past decades, thereby positioning the

region among the most expensive in the country for real estate acquisition.

Since acquiring urban status through administrative autonomy in 1964, BC has been regarded as

a seaside resort city. For instance, during the summer season, the seasonal population can exceed

one million people, thereby demonstrating the centrality of tourism and the intermittent occupa-

tion of properties for occasional use (Nunes, 2025). When considered collectively, these dynamics

indicate a reconfiguration of the coastal urban space, wherein real estate market interests and

legitimizing discourses assume a pivotal role in sustaining this model of seaside occupation.

The central issue of this paper is to explore how a framework of discourses on seaside occupation

is manifested in the dynamics of local real estate valuation. To that end, we employ the Bourdieu-

sian perspective, which provides us with a lens to perceive how practices and hierarchies become

naturalized, favoring the consolidation of the urban model that benefits certain social groups at

the expense of others.

The primary objective of this study is to examine the impact of multifaceted transformations in the

real estate market and to move beyond a superficial analysis that conceives the coastline solely as

a space for tourism and leisure. Within this context, a central aspect of this process is the growing

number of households for occasional use (HOU), which has increased by 148.61% at the national

level over the past 20 years (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 2022). This phenome-

non is indicative of the intensification of the commodification of the seaside and the emergence of

what can be described as beach grabbing, a process through which private interests increasingly

appropriate coastal areas for exclusive use. Collectively, these dynamics strengthen an occupation

model marked by real estate valuation and disparate patterns of urban space utilization.

A methodological operationalization is achieved through an intersection of mediatization and a

semantic content analysis of a podcast framework. The term “mediatization” means the emergen-

ce of institutionalized media entities that possess the capacity to influence the formation of so-

cial life (Krotz, 2009). This process encompasses spectra that affect both individual and collective

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“The Sky is no longer the limit”

habitus formation. In accordance with sociological research on the interplay between individual

social character and major social structures, including politics, family, education, and industry,

Hjarvard (2013) proposes that cultural identity – conceptualized as a system of general disposi-

tions – is predominantly influenced in contemporary society by the propensity to adhere to pre-

vailing trends in taste, fashion, food, socialization practices, and other indicators of consumer style

and social status. Individuals place considerable reliance on the media for the purpose of acqui-

ring information and developing their social group affiliations. As Hjarvard (2013, p. 149) further

observes, media not only reflect but also actively construct lifestyles presented as “guidelines for

modern living.”

A semantic content analysis was conducted on conversational-style podcast discussions betwe-

en a host and guests from the real estate sector in BC. A subsequent analysis of the discourses

revealed their organization according to five dimensions. The factors under consideration are as

follows: (i) recognition and consensus; (ii) language and discourse; (iii) institutional grant; (iv)

social distinction; and (v) economic resources. The study highlights how conventional narrati-

ves concerning security and exclusivity perpetuate the ongoing valuation of properties situated

along BC’s coastal regions. The objective of this study is to provide a critical analysis of the social

construction of the real estate market in coastal areas and the impact of media dynamics on the

production of social differentiation.

Touristification and real estate valuation: dynamics of beachfront occupation

The last census showed that the municipality of BC has a population of 139,155 inhabitants (In-

stituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 2022). However, during the summer season, the city

reaches one million people. This is not an isolated phenomenon in the region. In 2023, Santa Ca-

tarina received 2.8 million tourists during the summer season (Pinheiro, 2024). In comparison

with other Brazilian federal units, the data reveal that Santa Catarina is the state with the highest

percentage of HOU, nearly 10.30% of the total number of private residences. This factor is related

to the so-called coastal “touristic vocation” since several municipalities have a percentage of HOU

still higher than that, such as Jaguaruna (63.68%) and Balneário Rincão (58.83%).

The concept of “tourist vocation” has been a persistent feature of the local social imagination since

the early 20^thcentury. For example, in 1918, the Florianópolis newspaper Terra Livre published

the results of a conference between high-level state politicians. The agents were interested in in-

vesting in infrastructural improvements to the city. (O futuro da cidade, 1918 apud Ferreira, 1994,

p. 110). The phenomenon of tourism can be interpreted as a reverberation across various social

groups. Individuals occupying positions of privilege often engage in travel and tourist activities,

serving as distinction markers, akin to owning a house or a car. These experiences, rooted in mate-

rial resources, possess symbolic value and are culturally codified, thereby reinforcing social status

and distinction (Urry, 1996).

The urbanization of the beachfront, oriented toward leisure, commenced in the second decade

of the last century and has since been shaped by the cultural diachrony of beach use. Despite

the long-standing presence of visitors and proprietors of secondary residences in the area, the

social utilization of the beach has undergone profound and dynamic changes over time. The

urban landscape has undergone a sequence of transformations over time. Initially, the develo-

pment of modest holiday cottages occurred to replace agricultural lands. Subsequently, the de-

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Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

velopment of small-scale apartment buildings ensued. This process has recently reached a new

phase, marked by the emergence of massive skyscrapers that house luxury residences. These

successive transformations not only reflect shifts in architectural form but also embody broader

changes in social aspirations, consumption patterns, and the symbolic meaning attributed to

coastal living.

Figure 1 – Occupation of the seafront in the early 1970s.

Source: Historical Archive of BC, collection nº 924.

An examination of the data on residential occupation reveals a transformation that is currently

unfolding. The current number of unoccupied households is 28,289, 32.84% of the total – a subs-

tantial decline from the 49.96% documented in 2000. This change is indicative of a broader shift

in the region’s demographics and potential economic trends. It is also associated with a process of

alignment with the worldviews and aspirations of the social groups that utilize and frequent this

coastal space, as we will see throughout this paper.

Table 1 – Number of Private Households in BC by Year

Year

Total

private households

Private households not

Categorized as

Categorized

occupied

occasional uses

as vacant

86,149

46,859

28,289

22,994

5,302

2022

2000

23,416

19,667

3,749

Source: Elaborated by the authors with data from IBGE (2000; 2022).

A historical examination reveals that the initial development of the area (in the 1920s) was driven

by the influx of the industrial bourgeoisie from neighboring cities such as Blumenau and Itajaí.

After that period, the coastal region has been predominantly shaped by the hotel industry. The

luxury hotel segment, inaugurated in 1957, has historically catered to a discerning clientele, in-

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“The Sky is no longer the limit”

cluding former Brazilian President João Goulart, who later acquired a residence in the locality

to spend the summer months (Schlickmann, 2016). These shifts also invite consideration of the

extent to which the public sector has played a role in fostering and regulating tourism, thereby

reinforcing the dynamics of coastal urbanization.

The verticalization of beachfront residences emerged in 1960. That coincides with the expansion

of sun, sea, and sand tourism not only for local neighborhood residents but also for Brazilian so-

ciety as a whole. The Brazilian Tourism Commission (Combratur) was formally established at the

federal level through the issuance of Decree nº 44.863/1958. This commission is directly linked to

the Presidency and possesses both consultative and executive functions. The primary objectives

of the commission are threefold: first, to coordinate tourism policies; second, to standardize pro-

cedures; and third, to articulate state and private sector initiatives. Subsequently, at the state level,

Law nº 3.684/1965 was enacted, establishing the State Tourism Service of Santa Catarina and the

State Tourism Council. The overarching objectives of this legislative initiative encompassed the or-

ganization, fostering, and supervision of tourism activities, the regulation of enterprises, and the

promotion of infrastructure, including hotels and transport services (Cavalcanti and Hora, 2002).

The relationship between institutional arrangements and disputes over local development routes

had an impact on the contours of urban design. In particular, the reconfiguration of public space

in favor of tourist activities and the real estate market had consequences for the daily practices of

residents. At the same time, the reconfiguration of public space made it possible to exclude resi-

dents from their own city (Skalee, 2008).

An analysis of real estate valuation data from the region, particularly from the last years and encom-

passing the municipalities of BC, Itapema, and Itajaí, demonstrates that properties within this area

consistently command the highest average prices per square meter in the country. For instance, in

January 2019, the average square meter price in BC was BRL 7,141.00/m² (USD 1,400.00/m²). By Ja-

nuary 2024, this figure had increased to BRL 12,660.00/m² (USD 2,500.00/m²), increasing 78.73%

(Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas, 2024). The value per square meter is directly propor-

tional to the proximity to the sand. The real estate on Atlântica Avenue can reach an average price of

approximately BRL 80,000.00/m² (USD 16,000.00/m²), which is significantly higher than the prices

reported in the FipeZAP study (Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas, 2024).

This phenomenon of rapid real estate appreciation, when juxtaposed with the 43.75% surge in

IBOVESPA share values during the same period, highlights the superior performance of the real

estate market over prominent financial capital firms listed on Brazil’s stock exchange. These dy-

namics underscore the intensity of real estate speculation in the locality.

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Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

Figure 2 – Occupation of the seafront in 2025.

Source: Authors.

Beyond the economic dimension, the decision to invest in a secondary residence in coastal cities

such as BC transcends the logic of material utility, becoming instead a symbol of affiliation with

a lifestyle characterized by luxury, leisure, and exclusivity. The pursuit of status is not merely a

matter of seeking comfort or consuming services; it is also a means of legitimizing status before

peers (Pulici, 2010). Travel, visitation to specific tourist destinations, and ownership of properties

in these locations represent elements that manifest symbolic resources that transcend income or

material wealth. These elements are consolidated as distinctive cultural practices (Thurlow and

Jaworski, 2012).

The relationship between urban space, the consumption of cultural goods, and the reproduction

of social hierarchies is both evident in the landscape and in the discourses that naturalize the

“touristic vocation” and the development oriented towards the elites. The sociological analysis of

these processes enables us to understand how the shoreline represents a space for leisure and a

privileged locus for the expression and reproduction of social inequalities. There, the potential for

economic capital is intricately intertwined with cultural and symbolic resources, thereby reinfor-

cing the distinctions between social groups.

In the following section, we will explore the notion of doxa and theodicy to examine the denatura-

lization of seaside occupation.

The legitimation of elite power in coastal spaces

In light of Patrick Champagne’s pioneering contributions in “Les paysans à la plage” (1975), the

study of beaches has evolved beyond a narrow focus on leisure. Instead, beaches have emerged as

a unique setting to analyze social stratification, offering a multifaceted lens to observe social dy-

namics in action. These singular spaces, situated at the intersection of the sea and the land, serve

6

“The Sky is no longer the limit”

as intriguing laboratories for sociologists to elucidate power relations, strategies for distinction,

and disputes over access to various resources (Bruno and Salle, 2018; Loloum and Aledo, 2018).

This relatively homogeneous social space, characterized by the potential for unequal representa-

tion among social groups, is subject to domination, leading to the formation of doxa. It represents

a symbolic form of power inherent to both established formal institutions and informal or semi-

-formal institutions capable of appropriating the prevailing framework of values. For instance, the

notion and desire of deriving a good life from one’s retirement years by residing near the beach

has become increasingly prevalent. According to Bourdieu, doxa is defined as “a set of fundamen-

tal beliefs that does not even need to be asserted in the form of an explicit, self-conscious dogma”

(Bourdieu, 2000, p. 16). Doxa is a concept that ensures the stability of any social space, where

social structures are produced and reproduced through the practices and cognitions of agents.

The construction of social reality tends to establish a gnoseological order: the immediate meaning

of the world, and in particular the social world, presupposes what Durkheim calls logical con-

formism. It refers to a homogeneous conception of time, space, number, and cause, which agrees

minds possible. This construction is what Bourdieu calls symbolic power, that is, the power to

“make see and make believe,” to construct through enunciation and recognition between those

who exercise power and those who are subject to it. It is in the relationship between social spaces

and the structuring of order that belief is produced and reproduced, above all through the legiti-

macy of the one who speaks (Bourdieu, 1989, p.15).

A prominent realtor asserts that the sale of a residence is not merely a transaction; it signifies the

acquisition of a lifestyle. In this regard, the assertion that residing in BC equates to inhabiting one

of Brazil’s most exclusive locales, characterized by opulence, security, and well-being, is made. The

discourse does not delve into the technical dimensions of the property, such as its square footage

or the number of bedrooms, nor does it address the city in terms of indicators of social inequali-

ty. Instead, the focus is on the social significance of housing, underscoring its role in shaping the

quality of life and the individual’s well-being. A mutually reinforcing cognitive dynamic, involving

an exchange of perceptions regarding the comfort and privilege associated with an ocean view, is

observed to occur between the real estate developer and the buyer. These dynamics serve to fos-

ter the buyer’s perception that residing in BC is a truly privileged endeavor, accompanied by the

understanding that there is a financial cost associated with this privilege.

This evocation of dominant ideas, perpetuated by narratives that contribute to the maintenance of

the worldviews of agents who justify themselves in the social order, is a specific type of symbolic

power called sociodicy (Bourdieu, 1998, p. 43). Sociodicy is the process by which the doxa legitimi-

zes a given social order, presenting it as natural and inevitable, which naturalizes its arbitrariness

and reproduces inequalities. In the case of BC, it will be demonstrated that the discourses of real

estate agents align with this concept.

To comprehend this context, it is imperative to acknowledge that the recognition and consensus

surrounding legitimate practices emanate from a pre-reflective adherence by the agent. According

to Bourdieu (2009), the recognition of social hierarchies and the consensus around them do not

stem solely from coercion or direct imposition. Rather, they are the result of a tacit adhesion, the

internalization of values and naturalized perception schemes. The agents’ recognition of these

dominant structures as legitimate is rooted in their perception of them as components of a “na-

tural order” of things, leading to their acceptance of the prevailing norms and hierarchies. Con-

sequently, when agents adopt a particular worldview, they often unconsciously perpetuate the

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Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

prevailing social order due to their early exposure to and assimilation of the social rules they have

incorporated.

In their analysis of Saint-Tropez, located on the French Mediterranean coast, Bruno and Salle (2018)

demonstrate the legitimization of the economic and symbolic power of local elites. According to

them, this legitimization reflects a tacit consensus among this social group regarding their “right” to

engage in land grabbing and reshape the space according to their preferences. Consequently, a legiti-

mation of inequality is established, wherein the forces of contestation are insufficient to impede the

movement of legitimation, as hierarchies are inherent to the “natural” context of an opulent coastal

environment. Consequently, a pervasive doxa has emerged, fostering the perception of inequality as

both inevitable and legitimate. This perception is widely shared among both the privileged and the

unprivileged, who have come to accept the status quo in St. Tropez as the norm.

Within this process, language and discourse assume a privileged role, given that they do not me-

rely serve as vehicles for communication; rather, they function as instruments of legitimization for

social and practical positions. This phenomenon is intimately linked to the capacity to establish

valid definitions of the world, primarily through the monopolization or domination of language

and the categories of perception. Consequently, individuals in positions of prestige and authority

have the capacity to make their utterances resonate as universally accepted truths, despite the

possibility that these statements may in fact reflect specific interests (Bourdieu, 1989, pp. 14–15).

In the context of northeastern Brazilian beaches, a discourse has emerged that lauds the coast

as “paradise” or “place of opportunities.” This discourse serves a dual purpose: it attracts invest-

ments and consolidates privileges. Developers employ persuasive tactics to appeal to prospective

buyers, offering promises of economic prosperity. The expansion of residential projects is facili-

tated by a conducive institutional framework, wherein state agents act as market intermediaries

and local authorities perceive land speculation as a means to stimulate regional economic growth

(Loloum and Aledo, 2018; Sartore and Gomes, 2025). A similar phenomenon is also observed in

Florianópolis, the capital of Santa Catarina. In that city, coastal localities are considered naturally

promising for real estate investments in neighborhoods spotted as “exclusive” and high-standard

(Ertel, 2023; Ertel and Mazon, 2025).

This ability to project an image of an abundant and prosperous future is referred to as “utopian

performativity.” This phenomenon, as elucidated by real estate developers, public managers, and

media outlets, involves the propagation of narratives surrounding development and moderni-

zation. These narratives, when repeatedly disseminated, contribute to the establishment of an

environment that fosters speculative investment. This investment is subsequently legitimized in

the eyes of the population, thereby solidifying its social acceptance. Consequently, the discursive

boundaries between “inevitable growth” and “indiscriminate profit” become indistinct, while the

hierarchies of access to land are reinforced under a guise of naturalness and consensus (Loloum

and Aledo, 2018).

This sedimentation of recognition is intersected by the actions of institutions and the State, which

engender forms of production and means of imposing legitimate classifications (Bourdieu, 2014).

The term “institutional granting” refers to the manner in which legal frameworks, social conven-

tions, and authoritative bodies endorse, validate, or favor particular forms of spatial utilization

and the allocation of resources. In the coastal universe, urban planning, environmental licenses,

and specific revenue mechanisms can favor the high profitability of the real estate market, shaping

the beach-grabbing process.

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“The Sky is no longer the limit”

In Saint-Tropez, for instance, a close nexus exists between local public authorities and entrepre-

neurs, resulting in institutional frameworks that facilitate the elitist appropriation of the seaside.

Therefore, a model of the physical space is established through the symbolic power exerted on the

space. This phenomenon occurs because local governments act to enable the wealthiest proprie-

tors to preserve and augment their affluent enclaves when legislating on zoning, building permits,

and inspections (Bruno and Salle, 2018, p. 440).

It is essential to consider that this process is not solely a matter of economic power. The concept

of class positions is further elucidated in the context of status, which refers to the esteem, pres-

tige, or social honor that an individual or a group holds. These social categories share a certain

lifestyle and are relatively socially recognized (Weber, 2004). Capital, economic, cultural, social,

and symbolic levels are expressed in preferences, tastes, and lifestyles. These expressions function

as social markers. The power of distinction is exercised when certain groups manage to impose

their mode of consumption and aesthetic preferences as more refined, noble, or superior to others

(Bourdieu, 2007).

In the context of considered high-standard beaches, this mechanism becomes particularly appa-

rent. The acquisition of properties with “sea view” or in select condominiums, attendance at ex-

clusive beach clubs, and the presence of an infrastructure focused on high-cost leisure all serve to

crystallize the character “only for some” of the territory (Bruno and Salle, 2018). In the context of

the Brazilian Northeast, the phenomenon of tourism speculation gives rise to a “new landscape,”

characterized by the emergence of resorts and private condominiums. These developments serve

to accentuate the divide between affluent tourists or investors and the local population. The latter

are often relegated to the role of laborers contributing to the coastal economy. The cultural capi-

tal of foreigners and national elites, when combined with the economic capital, results in specific

tastes that ultimately become recognized standards for the development of the seaside (Loloum

and Aledo, 2018).

In the context of economic resources, it is crucial to underscore that the total financial capital

available to a group does not solely represent the group’s purchasing power. The ability to convert

this capital into advantageous positions in social spaces, facilitated by knowledge and social con-

nections, is also a key aspect of the study. This symbiosis of economic resources with other species

of capital enables certain groups to exercise dominance over pivotal sectors of the economy and

attain prominent positions in the hierarchical structure. Consequently, the market is not a neutral

environment; rather, it is associated with values, preferences, and differentiation strategies (Bour-

dieu, 2006, p. 103).

The exploration in this study encompasses the dimensions of recognition and consensus, language

and discourse, institutional grant, social distinction, and economic resources. These elements are

intricately intertwined with the Bourdieusian concept of doxa, symbolic power, and sociodicy, of-

fering a multifaceted lens through which to comprehend the intricate impacts of agents and the

real estate market in coastal contexts. The coexistence of tourism and residential zones in these

spaces engenders conditions for the observable manifestation of elite power dynamics, particu-

larly as manifested in the appropriation of natural resources, including the beach, the vista, and

the shoreline.

The articulation of the five categories explored here, intertwined with the Bourdieusian notion of

doxa, sheds light on the possibilities of interpretation of the multifaceted impacts of agents and

the real estate market in coastal contexts. The fact that such spaces are simultaneously touristic,

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Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

residential, and symbolically valued creates conditions for us to perceive how elites remarkably

exercise their power. This is evidenced by appropriation of natural resources (the beach, the view,

and the shoreline) or by political and institutional influence.

Methodology

The purpose of this study is to understand the complexity of a social universe, particularly regar-

ding the dispute of interests in the real estate sector that influence the urban coastal configura-

tion. For this purpose, we selected five podcast channels, hosted on the most popular audio pla-

tforms, published between 2022 and 2024. These channels served as the primary sources for the

research corpus. Eight episodes were selected for analysis, amounting to 432 minutes of recorded

conversation.

In contrast to conventional qualitative materials, such as interviews or questionnaires, podcasts

frequently integrate formal and informal dialogues, personal anecdotes, and expert perspectives.

This integration of spoken content offers certain advantages associated with the spontaneity of

discourse. The selected channels’ content focuses on the real estate business, with episodes fe-

aturing well-established actors in this market, which connects directly to the broader process

of mediatization. However, it is imperative to emphasize that this does not, in itself, ensure the

accuracy of the information transmitted. Podcasts were utilized as substantial primary data in the

analysis of discourse, according to the principles outlined by Kulkov et al. (2024). We regard them

as components of a more extensive data ecosystem, which encompasses historiographical data,

promotional documents, and statistical sources.

The podcasts were analyzed using the technique of semantic content analysis, a method regarded

as effective in understanding the conditions under which discourses are produced and in syste-

matically organizing them objectively (Bardin, 2011). The analysis comprised four primary steps:

•

Data transcription: it was carried out using Escriba software. Subsequently, the transcription

was reviewed to ensure the accuracy of the data.

•

Cataloging and coding: the transcribed text was organized and systematically categorized

using the Taguette software, a program designed to facilitate the annotation of pertinent cate-

gories and units of semantic meaning.

•

Tabulation and organization of data: the categories and units were meticulously compiled into

tabular form in spreadsheets.

Theoretical inference: the final analysis sought to establish a correlation between the empiri-

cal findings and sociological theory, thereby establishing connections between the identified

categories and the notions of power, legitimacy, and distinction.

To elucidate this procedure, an illustrative example is provided below. According to Bardin (2011,

p. 137), “the context unit corresponds to the message segment whose dimensions are optimal for

understanding the exact significance of the recorded unit”. An inductive approach was used to

identify units of registration within the transcribed corpus. These units were then grouped into

categories, as demonstrated in the following examples:

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“The Sky is no longer the limit”

Table 2 – Example of the Methodological Operation of Content Analysis

Category

Units of registration

Context unit

i) Perceptions of the 1 - Pricing;

You’ve got the reasons for buying, the desire factors,

and then you end up with facts that actually move

the market, because, in the end, the market runs on

expectations. So, when the beach gets expanded, that

makes it real — you have a clear factor that creates

expectations, and that’s why people start pushing

prices up.

market

2- Expectations;

(ii) Professional image 3 - Know the real estate market

I have to show that I am an honest, sincere, trust-

worthy person, and, above all, that I know the real

estate market very well.

4- Trustworthy;

5 - Honest.

(iii) Urban regulation

6 - Master plan.

Man, in BC today, you cannot build studios. Limita-

tions of the master plan.

(iv) High-class expe- 7 - Celebrities;

That is why there are many celebrities who invest,

who like it, mainly because of safety. Safety combi-

ned with the beach, with nightlife, with diverse gas-

tronomy. That ends up attracting this audience.

rience

8 - Safety;

9 - Nightlife;

10 - Beach and gastronomy.

(v) Continuous valua- 12 - Raises the price.

tion

Here comes the magic of BC: this guy raises the price.

That oceanfront apartment that cost BRL 2.5 million

now costs BRL 4.5 million, and he sells it.

Source: Elaborated and translated by the authors.

Subsequently, the categories were grouped into five broader sociological dimensions, defined a

priori, to establish relations between the empirical data and theoretical interpretation. These di-

mensions are as follows:

1. Recognition and consensus: they refer to the collective and shared recognition.

2. Language and discourse: they refer to the relation between the control of language and the

establishment of authority over a position or object.

3. Institutional grant: it refers to the relation between the creation of norms, values, and practices

and their institutional crystallization reverberated in the social space.

4. Social distinction: it refers to the demarcation between social positions based on cultural and

social capital.

5. Economic resources: they refer to financial resources and material forms controlled or attribu-

ted to an individual or group.

This analytical framework enabled the identification of tensions between social agents and the

coastal urban occupation process, as well as its associated environmental impacts.

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Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

Narratives to promote inhabiting the beachfront: a look at power relations in residential

space production through digital media

The dissemination of digital media to promote the image of BC can be regarded as a rational form

of communication. The podcasts and other video formats have the potential to provide insight

into the discourses surrounding the commodification of the beach and the worldviews of the so-

cial agents involved in this process¹. Through systematic observation and methodical analysis, we

identify the manifestations of hierarchies within the materiality of residential occupation.

Typically, videos promoting the beachfront real estate market commence with aerial and pano-

ramic images of Atlântica Avenue. The initial element that emerges is the “natural beauty” of the

beach. However, the central focus of the work is to display the contrast between the natural bea-

ch and the imposing buildings in front of the sea. The brightness of the sun and the blue sky are

adjusted through a color grading technique to create a more convergent atmosphere with what

is expected of a place with a tropical spirit, where saturation and warm colors are privileged. In

this sequence, the concept of luxury is introduced, signified by the presence of high-end vehicles

such as sports cars, yachts, and jet skis. These items are adorned with prestigious brand names

and depicted as accompanied by a range of sophisticated services. Upon entering the “high stan-

dard” apartments, the open-concept pattern in the foreground is immediately apparent, its lumi-

nescence emanating from the expansive translucent glass windows. The furniture and decorative

elements exhibit a harmonious alignment with the blue tone of the sea, functioning as a constant

background element (cf. Pilguer, 2025).

The communicative form of this type of digital media is linked to the dimension of recognition and

consensus. This phenomenon is indicative of the pervasive influence of pre-existing consumer con-

cepts. As a real estate agent recounts during the presentation of a property to a prospective client:

“Upon arriving at the apartment, he would proceed to display a sense of familiarity, as if he had

inhabited the space for an extended period, instilling an atmosphere of security.”²The employment

of poetic devices in this familiar and formal context serves to evoke experiences and sentiments

associated with the possession and utilization of objects, particularly the home as a symbolic and

affective entity. Advertising functions not merely as an informative tool but as a symbolic practice

that relies on poetics to establish an emotional bond with consumers. In real estate marketing, the

discourse surrounding advertising mobilizes the concept of “home” as a metaphor for values of

belonging and family continuity. Consumers then project their own experiences and aspirations

onto this concept (Bourdieu, 2006, pp. 43-44).

This visual manifestation of exclusivity and luxury is congruent with verbal discourses rooted in

the notion of patrimonial protection, substantiated by the rationale of investment, which constitu-

tes a component of the superficial stratum of this social universe. Among the sources that contri-

bute to the proliferation of these discursive frameworks, real estate echoes through digital media,

and advertisements play a central role. These programs, typically characterized by an informal

and relaxed atmosphere, are designed to simulate conversations relevant to the public interested

1

Examples of this can be found on https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Il4KEGNacW8 (accessed on 9 Sept. 2025) and

https://open.spotify.com/episode/7vt1oPL65InLynlBDeMQvC?si=FoLtsmZIRHqjjPlHFFR-5A&nd=1&dlsi=23a04eed -

f b8445b8 (accessed on 9 Sept. 2025).

Untranslated version: “Ele chegava no apartamento e ele demonstrava o apartamento como se ele morasse ali, como se ele já

2

conhecesse há muito tempo, então trazia muita segurança”.

12

“The Sky is no longer the limit”

in investments and the luxury market. The guests (predominantly real estate agents and other real

estate experts) occupy prominent social positions within the local real estate field. Their narrati-

ves reinforce financial security, prestige, and distinction. Regarding podcasts, the ambiance of the

episodes is characterized by the exchange of personal and professional experiences, accompanied

by insights into business opportunities.

A close focus on the disputes and recognition surrounding the residential patterns of elite groups

reveals a set of “bourgeois” housing preferences, such as the praise of “simplicity,” tied to the as-

sumption that contemporary society seeks “less luxury, more comfort”. However, as Pulici (2021)

pertinently observes, this conception of the “simple” is detached from the intrinsic properties of

objects and instead becomes both the product and the outcome of the recomposition of logics of

distinction. In the case of BC, the evidence suggests an explicit articulation of residential prefe-

rences, characterized by an overt manifestation of luxury and ostentation. “So, by bringing this

type of content parties, restaurants, boats, sports cars, luxury properties, city events [...] on a rooftop

of a restaurant, to show the city from above, right, we attract the target audience to the real estate

market”³, as one real estate agent remarks.

When we enter the dimension of language and discourse, we can observe that control, positioning,

representation of the city, and the way these aspects are fed back by real estate agents, emerge

as a privileged vector for understanding the process of building links between the marketed pro-

duct and the potential customer. The content analysis of realtors’ discourse reveals that categories

emerge, underscoring the interplay between their self-image and the representation of the locale

where negotiations are conducted.

Real estate agent X: “So, with this kind of content, which is about selling the city, you know,

we sell without really selling. Our strategy is to showcase the properties, but inside the pro-

perties we don’t talk about the features, make them explicit, but without going into details,

you know, while bringing in some kind of negotiation, some kind of drama.”

Real estate agent Y: “So, I’m more of a consultant than a guy who’s going to give you exact

measurements of the square footage.”⁴

The agent attributes the efficacy of deal consolidation to the agent’s ability to build trust between

the seller and the customer, a pattern of expectation observed in the convergence of expectations

around real estate.

Real estate agent Z: “We get that trust is the key — today it’s all about making the real estate

market more human. That’s our big advantage. Trust is essential for doing business, and if

we want deals to run as smoothly as possible, with the least amount of stress, that’s exactly

why we built this relationship department.”⁵

3

Untranslated version: “Então, e aí, só que nós trazendo esse tipo de conteúdo, que é festas, restaurantes, barcos, carros espor-

tivos, imóveis de luxo, festas da cidade […] num rooftop de um restaurante, para mostrar a cidade de cima, né, certo, atraímos

o público-alvo para o mercado imobiliário.”

Untranslated version: agent X - “Então, com esse tipo de conteúdo, que é vender a cidade, né, a gente vai vender sem vender,

4

então a nossa estratégia é mostrar os imóveis, mas dentro dos imóveis não falar sobre as características do imóvel, deixar isso

explícito, mas não entrando nos detalhes, né, e trazendo algum tipo de negociação, algum tipo de drama”. Agent Y: “Então, eu

sou mais um consultor do que um cara que vai te dar exatidão do metro quadrado”

5

Untranslated version: “A gente entende que o elo de confiança, em que hoje a gente tem que humanizar o mercado imobiliá-

rio, esse é o grande trunfo, a confiança é essencial para negócios, e para que a gente faça negócios com o mínimo de desgaste

possível, com a maior tranquilidade possível, é por isso que a gente desenvolveu esse setor de relacionamentos.”

13

Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

This process is part of a larger phenomenon that agents have referred to as “market humaniza-

tion,” predicated on the notion of constructing a “relationship.” This perspective aligns with the

shift in how potential customers access the real estate catalog. The realtor thus ascends to a po-

sition of notable prominence, at times even approaching celebrity status. In this role, the realtor

serves as a facilitator, orchestrating the realization of clients’ aspirations. Billboards displaying the

image of a realtor are ubiquitous in urban landscapes. These advertisements typically feature the

realtor’s likeness, accompanied by images that depict him in formal attire, such as a suit and tie.

As part of a strategic approach to self-affirmation through social media, it has been observed that

the realtor willfully obscures the boundary between personal and professional domains. The sto-

ries, reels, and publications demonstrate the daily life of real estate agents, achieving a balance

between lifestyle and product presentation. This strategy is explicitly articulated, as evidenced by

the following observations: Real estate agent Z: “[...] it’s no use to be good, you have to look good.”⁶.

In this context, the term “being good” signifies the embodiment of individual success compatible

with the values of the prospective client. This compatibility is evident in various aspects, including

but not limited to: attendance at exclusive locations, utilization of sophisticated services, and the

realtor’s vehicle model. Consequently, the establishment of the “relationship” is contingent upon

the congruence of worldviews between the client and the broker, thereby solidifying the transac-

tion as a distinctive and profoundly personalized encounter.

This “relationship” is partly based on the impersonation of the real estate broker as a “consultant” who

communicates the possibilities of successful market investment. On one hand, it operates through a

trust dynamic anchored in the notion of “security,” presented in two main issues: patrimonial (related

to the residence itself) and experiential (referring to spaces beyond the domestic environment).

As property security, there is a deep social root in the idea that the private home is an essential

condition for family formation and perpetuation, close to what Bourdieu (2006) observed in the

analysis of the market of home ownership. In this scenario, the real estate market is positioned as

an attractive alternative for clients who prefer visualizing their assets concretely.

Real estate agent K: “Real estate means security, [suppression of name of podcast host], it’s also

deeply rooted in our beliefs, in this cultural thing we Brazilians share: the house, owning your

own place, the right to a family home. Research even shows that this is still the biggest dream for

Brazilians. Starting your own business comes second, but owning a home is still on top.”⁷

Regarding the security of residential exteriors, the national context of urban insecurity is a salient

issue that pervades most metropolitan areas. The concept of residing in a secure urban environ-

ment is a compelling proposition for prospective clients. Real estate agent Y says: “Because people

who come from outside are looking for safety, and they know they’ll find it here. Here you can walk

around with a nice watch, drive a good car, without being afraid of getting robbed on the street”⁸. Ac-

cording to data from the Santa Catarina Public Security Secretariat, BC had a rate of 94.14 annual

6

Untranslated version: “[…]que é não adianta ser bom, você precisa parecer bom.”

Untranslated version: “O imóvel é segurança, ele está também enraizado na nossa crença, Pedro, essa questão cultural que

7

nós brasileiros vivemos, a casa, a casa Própria, o direito de bem familiar é importante. Inclusive em pesquisa apontam que

esse segue sendo o maior desejo dos brasileiros ainda, empreender pelo negócio próprio é o segundo maior, mas a casa própria

segue liderando.”

8

Untranslated version “Porque quem vem de fora, busca segurança, sabe que aqui encontra. Aqui você pode andar com bom

relógio, pode andar com bom carro, sem medo de ser assaltado no meio da rua.”

14

“The Sky is no longer the limit”

thefts per 100,000 inhabitants in 2023. This rate is significantly lower than the national average,

which was 428.60 in the same year (Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública, 2024; Portal Visse,

2024). The discourse of security is rooted in social reality and fulfills a dual function: it serves to

mitigate the fear of violence and promote economic prosperity in an environment perceived as

less violent.

As indicated by the content of podcasts’ speeches, the majority of real estate buyers are from other

regions of Brazil. Beyond security concerns, the allure of exploring beyond the conventional tou-

rist destinations, characterized by their association with sun and beach, is a significant factor in

the decision-making process. This opens the way to the dimension of social distinction. It is well

established that the adherence of elite groups to tourist destinations, mediated by the ‘experien-

ces’ offered, functions as a marker for the classification of markets (Netto and Miraldi, 2017). The

discourses under consideration converge by exalting the city as part of a “paradise” circuit, which

includes stretches of the coast of Santa Catarina. In these narratives concerning the “natural be-

auties,” we emphasize the notion that seasonal visitors, upon encountering the infrastructure of

services and experiencing the region’s multiple charms, “discover” the desire to extend their stay

and, consequently, to acquire a property.

Narratives also show that the city is seen as an ideal place to retire, leading the second-home pro-

perty to gain more value than the main one in two possible ways: First, the real estate property is

in itself a savings for a planned retirement, and, when the time comes, the owner will sell and turn

it into money to retire. Second, the retired can occupy the residence permanently and intermit-

tently enjoy the local lifestyle offered in the city. The 2022 Census shows that the city had 18.39%

of elderly population, while the national percentage is 15.81%. This real estate business model,

which combines objective and subjective factors to attract customers, competes for recognition

as an investment standard to be implemented in other locations in Brazil, especially through the

action of the public power (cf. SPAUTZ, 2024).

Podcast host: “We interviewed Mayor Fabrício here, and we could see it’s not just a public

initiative, it’s not just a private one either. It feels like there are a lot of people with the same

focus, the same mindset to turn this into something different – and it really is, they actually

pulled it off”⁹

This enables us to transition into a different domain: institutional grants. The aforementioned

narratives acknowledge the role of pertinent laws and regulations that act in this market. They

also recognize that the regulation of building standards, implemented through urban planning,

is the main institutional mechanism that allows developers to construct high-standard buildings.

These buildings, in turn, consolidate a specific model of urban space transformation. The nexus

between the allocation of public authority in the context of intense vertical development and the

architectural paradigm of superior residential environments appears to influence the dynamic

interplay between public regulation and private responsibility. The interplay of forces between

public and private power converges on counterpart interests in the form of occupation of the bea-

chfront. Data show that 57.22% of the city’s population lives in apartments, and BC has the largest

proportion of the population living on rent in Brazil, 45.2% (Pacheco, 2024).

10

Untranslated version: “A gente entrevistou aqui o prefeito Fabrício e a gente deu para ver que não é uma coisa só de iniciativa

pública, não é uma coisa só de iniciativa privada. Parece que tem muita gente com o mesmo foco, o mesmo mindset de fazer

isso aqui um negócio diferente e de fato é, de fato conseguiu ser.”

15

Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

This dynamic underscores the state’s function as a mediator and proponent of a territorial occupa-

tion that mirrors not only private interests but also the consolidation of socially legitimized norms

and values. Urban regulation, by prioritizing verticalization and the provision of “high-standard”

real estate, reinforces a city model that privileges select social groups and excludes a significant

portion of the population from the most valued areas. Consequently, the state not only regulates

urban space but also produces the symbolic legitimization of an ideal urban beach that naturalizes

inequality and social selectivity.

This phenomenon serves to reinforce the prevailing perception that residing in a coastal dwelling

is a hallmark of status and exclusivity. Moreover, it perpetuates the notion that real estate valua-

tion and restricted access are by-products of a concept of “natural development”. The state is not

an impartial entity; rather, it functions as a pivotal institution in the production and sustenance

of norms that shape how urban space is inhabited. This observation aligns with prior research

conducted on the beach in Florianópolis (cf. Ertel and Mazon, 2025).

The state has prioritized projects for revitalization in the Atlântica Avenue area, with a particular

focus on nourishing the beach due to coastal erosion. The initiative to augment the central beach

area, increasing the space’s extent by an average of 25 meters, commenced in March 2021 and was

concluded in December of the same year. The project incurred a cost of BRL 90 million to public

funds and exerted a direct influence on the valuation of local properties (Frighetto, 2024). As in-

dicated by the data, the price of properties closer to the sea increased 20%-40% in the same year

(Konchinski, 2021). The relationship between verticalization and urban projects that adapt public

spaces to make them more attractive is what the podcast interviewees claim to be the “lubricated

gears” between the public power and the interests of developers. Consequently, state agents func-

tion as market agents.

With the consolidation of the leniency of the state agents facing the developers focusing on the

expansion of the luxury residential market, the central beachfront of Atlântica Avenue remains

disputed by architectural projects of “brands” linked to national and international builders (cf.

FG Empreendimentos, 2025; Tonino Lamborghini Residences Balneário Camboriú, 2025). In this

space, there is a circumscription of a more or less specific landscape and aesthetic pattern. The

skyscrapers of contemporary design, with facades often presented in mirrored glass, wide balco-

nies, and the said sophisticated finish, all this is part of what the promoters call “high standard”.

Real estate agent K: “But there are people who simply want an apartment with a fully inte-

grated balcony, overlooking the entire skyline, and that person is not thinking so much about

money or returns. They know that investing in BC is a good choice, but their focus is on family

satisfaction — the size, the view — buying a BRL 20-million apartment with a private pool

for their grandchildren to enjoy.”¹⁰

The economic dimension is characterized by a high price to entry into this social universe. Fur-

thermore, renowned soccer players such as Neymar and Cristiano Ronaldo have been employed

as promotional ambassadors, thereby fostering a connection between the prospective client and

the residential model. In addition to the appeal of appearance, the buildings also seek to exalt the

10

Untranslated version: “Mas tem pessoas que simplesmente querem ter um apartamento com uma varanda totalmente inte-

grada, com uma vista para todo o skyline, e esse cara não está pensando tanto no dinheiro no retorno. Ele sabe que vai aplicar

bem o Balneário Camboriú, mas o foco dele é a satisfação da família, um tamanho, uma vista, comprando um apartamento de

20 milhões com piscina privativa para os netos aproveitarem esse imóvel.”

16

“The Sky is no longer the limit”

amenities and functionality of the internal services sector. One such example is the attachment of

spaces to accommodate speedboats and other water sports equipment (cf. Marina Beach Towers,

2025). Another example is the infrastructure for conduct luxury vehicles inside homes that are

hundreds of meters from the ground floor.

In essence, the dispute over the space in question exemplifies a dynamic interaction between two

fundamental aspects of the social world: economic maximization and social differentiation based

on the hierarchy of social practices associated with the values defended by more or less specific

groups. The beachfront is regarded as a suitable and secure location to fulfill the aspirations of

affluent classes, intended for exclusive use and as a refuge from the challenges of poverty. On the

one hand, it comprises opulent residences and refined services, all of which are facilitated by the

administrative and economic support of the public power. Conversely, the social and environmen-

tal ramifications of this urban configuration are a matter of public knowledge (Skalee, 2008).

This endorsement of beachfront occupation, driven by real estate expansion unrestricted by buil-

ding height limits, has produced numerous environmental impacts. The beach, the area’s most

significant economic and environmental resource, is transformed into an environment that is not

conducive to bathing. The suppression of coastal vegetation (restingas) and the pollution of se-

awater, resulting from ineffective sewage treatment, are widely recognized and disseminated by

the media. Real estate agents themselves have been aware of this issue. Realtor - K, for example,

has stated that “Nowadays Balneário has a really bad reputation in the media because of the sewage

on the beach.”¹¹Realtor Y – “Who’s responsible? Why is the beach polluted?¹²” It is noteworthy that

2019-2024 was a period of significant escalation in property values, with an average increase of

78.73% as reported by FipeZap (Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas, 2024). Coinciden-

tally, the central beach, situated at station one, was classified as unsuitable for bathing on 171 out

of 257 samples collected, representing 65.5% of the total analyses conducted (Instituto do Meio

Ambiente de Santa Catarina, 2025).

Consequently, this social universe produces dilemmas related to contemporary society. On one

hand, there is a strong collective desire to live near the beach, perceived as natural and reinfor-

ced by real estate agents and urban planning guidelines established by public authorities. On

the other hand, the realization of this desire depends on substantial economic investments and

the control of high-end apartment supply. The perpetuation of this housing system has been

shown to lead to the segregation of different social groups and to contribute to significant envi-

ronmental degradation.

Conclusion

This article systematizes a framework of discourses embedded in social reality, demonstrating

a specific form of both economic and symbolic appropriation and valorization of the beachfront.

Our analysis has outlined a prevailing modus operandi that permeates the process of legitimizing

the commodification of the coast as a space allocated for privileged groups.

The title, “The sky is no longer the limit,” alludes to the numerous instances in which this phrase

was invoked by realtors in podcasts, underscoring the city’s pronounced vertical expansion, whe-

11

Untranslated version: “E aí, a cidade de praia, o maior atrativo dela está poluído. Está inativo.”

Untranslated version: “Quem é o responsável? Por que a praia está poluída?”

12

17

Varlei Rui Ertel; Marcia Mazon

rein skyscrapers embody the prevailing business paradigm. As previously mentioned, this verti-

calization does not occur in isolation. It is the result of a convergence between public authorities,

who impose no limits on high-rise development in the urban master plan, and private interests

focused on marketing high-end apartments.

The fundamental quandary lies in the naturalized perpetuation of this housing system, a process

that is contingent on the perpetuation of social segregation and substantial environmental degra-

dation. The social sciences research agenda has been endeavoring to comprehend this contempo-

rary social phenomenon.

Funding

National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); Coordination for the Improvement of Higher

Education Personnel (CAPES) – Funding Code 001.

Acknowledgments

The authors express their profound gratitude to the reviewers and Research Committee 10 on Economic Sociology at

the 22nd Brazilian Congress of Sociology for their insightful comments and constructive feedback, which significantly

enhanced the quality of this work.

Link to access the article’s empirical data

https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1EgoUMJNd-Jxq5VzUwqJmnldKKknhDjBg?usp=sharing

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“The Sky is no longer the limit”

“O céu já não é mais o limite”: Os dilemas

da sobrevalorização imobiliária em

Balneário Camboriú, Brasil

“El cielo ya no es el límite”: Los dilemas

de la sobrevaloración inmobiliaria en

Balneário Camboriú, Brasil

Resumen

Resumo

El presente artículo explora cómo las transforma-

ciones en la ocupación costera se reflejan en la di-

námica de la valoración inmobiliaria. Para ello, se

utiliza el caso de la ciudad de Balneário Camboriú

(BC), Santa Catarina, Brasil, uno de los principa-

les centros de valoración inmobiliaria en el país

latinoamericano. El presente estudio adopta una

perspectiva bourdieusiana, centrándose particular-

mente en el concepto de doxa, para examinar cómo

las prácticas y los discursos contribuyen a la legiti-

mación de la mercantilización de la costa. El enfo-

que metodológico implementado en este estudio se

basa en un análisis semántico del contenido. La di-

fusión de episodios de podcasts protagonizados por

agentes inmobiliarios de la región se ha identifica-

do como un elemento clave para promover propie-

dades específicas. Los hallazgos de la investigación

sugieren que este fenómeno se ve facilitado por los

discursos que envuelven la representación de los

medios de comunicación, los cuales perpetúan la

noción de acceso exclusivo a las propiedades frente

al mar. La promoción de empresas en vídeos y po-

dcasts subraya un estilo de vida caracterizado por

la adquisición de bienes y servicios de alta gama,

lo que consolida la playa como un espacio que tras-

ciende su función recreativa, y así se convierte en un

activo financiero. El análisis realizado revela que la

rentabilidad y la seguridad urbana emergen como

factores predominantes en la atracción de inversio-

nistas, lo que fortalece la percepción de BC como un

refugio para determinados grupos sociales.

O presente artigo explora como as transformações

na ocupação costeira se refletem na dinâmica da

valorização imobiliária, por meio do estudo de

caso de Balneário Camboriú (BC), em Santa Ca-

tarina, um dos principais centros de valorização

imobiliária no Brasil. O estudo em questão adota

uma perspectiva bourdieusiana, por meio do con-

ceito de doxa, com o intuito de analisar a forma

como as práticas e os discursos contribuem para

a legitimação da mercantilização da orla marítima.

A abordagem metodológica adotada consiste na

realização de uma análise semântica de conteúdo.

A divulgação de episódios de podcasts com corre-

tores imobiliários da região foi identificada como

um elemento-chave na promoção de propriedades

específicas. Os resultados do estudo demonstram

que o fenômeno em questão é facilitado por discur-

sos relacionados com a representação nas mídias

sociais, que contribuem para a perpetuação da no-

ção de acesso exclusivo a propriedades situadas à

beira-mar. A promoção de empreendimentos em ví-

deos e podcasts enfatiza um estilo de vida baseado

no consumo de bens e serviços de elevado padrão,

consolidando a praia não apenas como um espaço

de lazer, mas também como um ativo financeiro.

Adicionalmente, a análise demonstra que a renta-

bilidade e a segurança urbana se sobressaem como

fatores predominantes na atração de investidores,

reforçando, deste modo, a noção de BC como um re-

fúgio para determinados grupos sociais.

Palavras-chave: Construção simbólica do espaço;

Ocupação costeira; Mediatização; Balneário Cam-

boriú.

Palabras clave: Construcción simbólica del espa-

cio; Ocupación costera; Mediatización; Balneario

Camboriú.

Timeline of the Manuscript



Received: May 2025

First Review: June2025

Second Review: August 2025

Third Review: July 2025

Accepted for Publication: September 2025

Author revision: September 2025

Grammar, Spelling and ABNT review: November 2025

Author revision: November 2025

Published on December 2025

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