Revista TOMO, São Cristóvão, v. 44, e23671, 2025

DOI:10.21669/tomo.v44.23671

Special Issue - Coastal Squeeze: Beaches under Socio-Economic

and Ecological Pressure

E-ISSN:2318-9010 / ISSN:1517-4549

Special Issue

Selling Paradise: A Bourdieusian Analysis of Gated

Condominium Development in the Ecological Route of the

Miracles, Alagoas, Brazil

Marina Sartore*¹

Wanderson Gomes*²

Abstract

The Ecological Route of the Miracles (REM) in Alagoas, Brazil, has undergone rapid coastal development

since 2015, driven by a surge in gated condominiums (GCs). Using Bourdieu’s concept of the economic field,

this study analyzes the supply side of real estate production, examining developers’ profiles, capital, and

legitimizing narratives expressed on Instagram. Seventeen firms responsible for 65 GCs were grouped into

pioneer specialists, specialists, and established broad-based companies. Patterns of spatial concentration,

capital conversion, and competition emerge. A longitudinal analysis of Podium’s Instagram posts (2015–

2025) shows how the REM is constructed as a luxurious, exclusive, and investable paradise. Developers thus

shape material and symbolic control over beach access, naturalizing social hierarchies through narratives

of dreams, expertise, and privilege.

Keywords: Beach Access; Paradise; Gated Condominium; Sociology; Tourism.

*

Universidade Federal de Sergipe. Center for Education and Human Sciences. Department of Social Sciences. Graduate Pro-

gram in Sociology. São Cristóvão. Sergipe. Brazil. E-mail: marinass@academico.ufs.br Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-

7935-4105 CrediT: Conceptualization, Investigation, Visualization, Methodology, Writing.

** Universidade Federal de Sergipe.Graduate Program in Sociology. São Cristóvão. Sergipe. Brazil. E-mail: wandersonjfgo-

mes@academico.ufs.br Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5788-0174 CrediT: Conceptualization, Investigation, Metho-

dology, Writing

1

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

Introduction

The Ecological Route of the Miracles (Rota Ecológica dos Milagres) (REM, from now on) is a 23-ki-

lometer stretch of coastline situated in the state of Alagoas, in Brazil’s Northeast. This region, often

referred to as the “Brazilian Caribbean” is home to light-blue waters, crystal-clear natural pools,

and part of the Coral Coastal Environmental Protection Area (APACC).

Figure 1: A natural pool in the REM, the Lage beach, the municipalities along REM

Source: Photos of the natural pool and Lage Beach were taken during fieldwork in December 2024. The municipalities map

was created on Google Earth on June 9^th, 2025.

The Brazilian demographic census (Brasil, 2022) indicates that between 2012 and 2022, the po-

pulation of São Miguel dos Milagres and Porto de Pedras, the two main municipalities along the

REM, grew by 10.27% and 18.41%, respectively. This demographic growth has been driven by

improvements in urban infrastructure, which have gradually attracted high-end amenities such

as chef-led restaurants, boutique inns, beachfront resorts, and Gated Condominiums (GC, from

now on). Local real estate agents note a post-2021 real estate boom fueled by pandemic-driven

demand for nature-proximate coastal properties (Klinke, 2024). As the former mayor of Porto

de Pedras observed, “where ten years ago there was nothing¹,” we now witness what real estate

agents describe as a “miracle”, as illustrated in Figure 2.

This “miracle” began in 2015, and by March 2025, we identified 17 builders responsible for 65 GC,

either completed or under construction. Their spatial distribution reveals a clear preference for

sea access and views: 26 are beachfront, 20 are within 500 meters of the beach, and only 11 are

more than 500 meters from the beach².

1

Field-notes from December 2024.

We mapped the 65 GC through fieldwork (Dec 2024) and online research (Mar 2025). Data were tabulated. The exact locations of

2

eight remain unknown.

2

Selling Paradise

Figure 2: The “Miracle” of the arrival of a GC portrayed by a real-estate agent

Source: Image provided to the authors by a local real estate agent. Translation by the authors.

Figure 3: 50 Gated Condominiums Spread along the REM and their 17 Builders

Source: Prepared by the authors on September 5^th, 2025, using Google Maps. Google Maps could not locate 15 GC by name.

Colorful pins indicate the 17 real estate builders.

3

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

Figure 4: Six examples of Gated Condominiums in the REM

In the left column, from top to bottom, the images depict Reserva Aysú, Naay, Watal. On the right column, from top to bottom: Casas

Santorini, Ita Patacho, and Naluum. Source: Google Images. The photo combination was done by the authors using PhotoScape.

Alagoas has long been marked by high land concentration, low productive dynamism, and deep

socioeconomic inequalities (Brandão, 2018; Figueiredo, 2021). Since the seventies, state actors

have promoted tourism as a strategy for poverty reduction (Araújo and Santos, 2022). Fieldwork

shows how this discourse resonates locally: a young waiter noted that new bars and restaurants

had expanded income options previously limited to fishing, church activities, and public-sector

jobs. Developers echo this narrative. For example, one 2022 Instagram post claimed that “tourism

promotion in the Ecological Route of the Miracles is responsible for the region’s development³.”

State data reinforces it: in 2025, Alagoas reported record tourism levels and identified the sector

as a key economic driver (Agência Alagoas, 2025).

Tourism-driven economic development in Alagoas accelerated in 2011 with the approval of State

Law Nº. 7,231, which established Special Areas of Tourist Interest (AEIT) to simultaneously pro-

mote sustainable tourism, foster local culture, and attract private investment (Alagoas, 2011). In

practice, however, fourteen years later, the tourist hubs neighboring the REM continue to struggle

to balance environmental protection with economic growth, facing the consequences of preda-

tory tourism (Gazetaweb, 2025; G1 AL, 2024a). To prevent similar outcomes, REM’s social agents

have pursued the “Blue Flag” certification as a symbol of sustainable tourism since 2021 (G1 AL,

2024b⁴). During fieldwork, we observed a series of “for sale” signs alongside indicators of environ-

mental licensing, as illustrated in Figure 5.

3

Information in Figure 248 from our dataset of Podium Instagram posts.

The Patacho Beach is the only Blue Flag-certified beach in Alagoas and one of 38 in Brazil.

4

Selling Paradise

Figure 5: “For Sale/Rent” Signs and Environmental Licenses

Source: Authors’ compilation based on field research records from December 2024.

Scholars have examined the negative effects of tourism development in the REM (Barbosa, 2021),

the resulting conflicts over access to natural resources (Cruz et al., 2022, 2023; Mendonça and

Araújo, 2021), and the social and environmental practices of boutique inns (Camêlo and Araújo,

2018; Silva, 2016; Carvalho, 2017). While these studies offer valuable insights, two gaps remain.

First, sociological perspectives are notably underrepresented. Second, there is a lack of in-depth

analysis of the social agents responsible for the construction of gated condominiums.

This paper addresses these two gaps. Sociologically, it aims to contribute to debates on who claims

and controls beach access, and through what narratives, aligning with Osbaldiston’s (2018) view

that a sociological understanding of the coastline requires analyzing how it is appropriated, repre-

sented, and transformed by diverse social actors across historical and spatial contexts. Empirically,

we employ Bourdieu’s concept of economic field (1997b) as a heuristic tool (Duval, 2015) to study

the builders of GC. The rapid urban concentration in the REM intensifies socioeconomic and ecologi-

cal pressures associated with coastal squeeze (Pontee, 2013). As beach access becomes increasingly

contested, it is crucial to study the social agents who construct these ‘paradisiacal’ natural spaces.

In addition to this introduction, the paper is structured into four sections. The first outlines our

theoretical framework. The second introduces the GC developers and offers a preliminary analy-

sis of their positioning within the subfield of coastal real estate tourism. The third examines the

Instagram content disseminated between 2015 and 2025 by Podium (the pioneering developer

in the region) to trace the evolution of the sociodicies, or legitimizing narratives, produced by GC

developers. The final section presents our concluding remarks.

5

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

2 A Bourdieusian Approach to The Rem

Physically, the REM comprises a set of municipalities stretching along a 23-kilometer coastline. It

is also composed of social agents whose struggles over sea access and views are projected onto

the physical space through real estate developments. According to Bourdieu (2008), when the

physical properties of space correspond to the social hierarchies of agents within the social spa-

ce, a reified social space emerges. This idea resonates with research by Pinçon and Pinçon-Char-

lot (1988), which argues that the occupation of physical spaces reflects the distribution of social

agents within the social space.

Although Bourdieu did not dedicate any specific work to the study of cities, his colleague Wac-

quant (2024) argues that the city can be understood as a space of intersecting field effects. In this

sense, the REM constitutes a reified social space, bringing together intersecting field effects as

new social agents from different social fields interact.

A field is “the analytical space defined by the interdependence of the entities that compose a struc-

ture of positions among which there are power relations” (Hilgers and Mangez, 2015, p. 5). In this

paper, we focus on the social agents of the economic field, namely, real estate agents. Bourdieu

(1997b, p. 52) notes that “the economic field is constituted by a set of subfields corresponding to

what we ordinarily understand as sectors or niches within an industry.” Similarly, in The Social

Structures of the Economy, he explicitly characterizes the economic field as “a collection of structu-

red microcosms” (2005, p. 198). He further clarifies that subfields can be segmented; for example,

the aeronautical industry is divided among producers of passenger aircraft, military aircraft, and

tourist aircraft (2005, p. 58). Subfields refract field disputes but possess particularities, such as

the product, which in our case is coastal real estate tourism.

In The Social Structures of the Economy, Bourdieu (2005) analyzes the real estate market for home

ownership. He identifies four levels of fields: the field of power, the economic field (in a broader

sense), the housing field (as a subfield), and the field of the firm. In the section titled “The Specific

Logic of the Field of Production,” he argues that, rather than using the notion of sector, which ag-

gregates competing firms as a singular agent, the concept of field allows us to understand the di-

fferences between firms and the objective relations of complementarity and rivalry among them,

thereby offering a more nuanced understanding of the logic of competition.

In our interpretation, Bourdieu uses the notion of field in this section both as a heuristic tool

and to refer to the supply side of developers. This dual approach is precisely the focus of our

paper: to delimit the effective social agents within a relational space (the subfield of coastal

real estate tourism), using the idea of field (Bourdieu, 1997b) as a heuristic tool (Duval, 2015)

to clarify the relations of complementarity and rivalry that shape competition over sea access

and views.

The social and symbolic struggles occur between social agents whose individual and collective

trajectories (habitus) provide them with a certain volume and structure of capital, positioning

them within the field either to conserve or subvert its dominant legitimacy. The struggles within

the field aim to impose “a definition of legitimate recognition” (Hilgers and Mangez, 2015, p. 6)

and reflect that “the history of the field is the history of the internal and external struggles that

animate it, the history of the distribution of the specific capital and the variations of this capital”

(Hilgers and Mangez, 2015, p. 6).

6

Selling Paradise

Positions within the field are maintained through legitimizing narratives, or sociodicies (Bour-

dieu, 1998; Seidl, 2017), which justify social inequalities by crystallizing principles of vision and

division of the social world, presenting it as a universal and incontestable order. For example,

Shammas (2023) describes a Silicon Valley billionaire who justifies his wealth, even while exploi-

ting workers, based on risk, innovation, and the social benefits he provides. The logic is similar

in our case. Although real estate developers contribute to limiting beach access for local people,

the narrative of saints performing economic “miracles,” such as fostering regional development,

persists, as exemplified by the waiter’s remarks about new job opportunities. Another narrative

frames the “miracle” as bringing infrastructure so that everyone can enjoy a remote paradise—al-

beit exclusively as beachfront homeowners or short-term renters.

Thus, examining social agents means that one cannot “tell the miracle without telling the saint⁵.”

This perspective is well illustrated by studies of Saint-Tropez (Bruno and Salle, 2018), Brazil’s

Pipa Beach (state of Rio Grande do Norte, in the northeast) (Loloum, 2017; Loloum and Aledo,

2018), and Maceió (the capital of Alagoas, also in the northeast) (Sartore, Carvalho, and Gomes,

2025), which demonstrate that forms of beach grabbing do not emerge from natural forces, but

result from deliberate state intervention and coordinated actions between public and private so-

cial agents.

The pursuit of building beachfront properties constitutes one kind of beach grabbing. In this context,

sociology provides tools to observe this phenomenon through the sources of legitimacy of private

property (Durkheim, 1950) and to explore social agents’ life trajectories, as well as the meanings and

desires they attach to ownership (Bourdieu, 2000; Carruthers and Ariovich, 2004). However, in the

case of the REM, one does not need to purchase private property to gain access to or views of the sea,

since it is also possible to rent a property. Access is therefore not necessarily tied to private owner-

ship and is shaped by historical, political, and cultural factors (Ribot and Peluso, 2003).

In our time frame, from 2015 to 2025, the REM experienced an increaseing in beach closures. The

developers were responsible for this movement, despite the Brazilian Constitution (Brasil, 1988)

guaranteeing free public access to beaches. This paradox reflects what Knierbein and Christodou-

lou (2025) describe as the post-political beach, where fundamental rights to nature become depo-

liticized and barriers to public space grow. However, the absence of organized social movements

does not necessarily imply the absence of struggles. In this paper, we argue that beach-related

disputes can also be approached through the lens of symbolic struggles. Symbolic struggles are

contests over meaning and the recognition of what is considered legitimate in a given social space.

This perspective helps explain the post-political beach by showing that beach grabbing is not only

structured but also legitimized through social agents’ sociodicies, which effectively suppress so-

cial contestation by framing “exclusive beach access” as a universally accepted order.

3 The Developers: The Supply-Side In Rem’s Coastal Economic Field

Although we acknowledge that fully grasping the dynamics of beach grabbing in REM by private

properties requires a relational analysis considering other social agents, such as hotels and inns,

our aim here is to identify which types of capital condition the social struggles in the subfield of

5

“To tell the miracle without telling the saint” is a literal translation of a Portuguese idiom used when someone recounts an

event or outcome but intentionally leaves out who was responsible for it.

7

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

coastal real estate tourism, considering the case of the REM. These capitals largely refract those of

the real estate subfield, which refracts the logic of the economic field. We categorized⁶seventeen

development companies that arrived in REM between 2015 and February 2025 based on six types

of capital. We were inspired by Bourdieu’s types of capital in The Economic Field (1997b) (finan-

cial, cultural⁷, technological, legal, organizational, commercial, and symbolic capital). Besides, we

added three other types of capital that emerged inductively from our empirical observations.

Table 1: Types of Capital (Subfield of coastal real-state tourism in REM)

Types of

Capital

Categories

Observations

Geographical Location of their headquarters: Maceió; Derived from empirical observations, as many are located in

capital

REM; another locality

Maceió

Creation-

Year of creation: before 2000; between 2000 Derived from empirical observations, as several were created in

Entry capital and 2018, and after 2019; Year of their first the same year as they launched their GC.

launch in the REM: before COVID-19; after

COVID-19

Ownership Individuals or Partners; Family; Joint-stock Derived from empirical observations

capital

company

Organizatio- Geographical scope of their developments: Inspired by Bourdieu’s Work (1997b). They are not companies

nal capital REM; in the state of Alagoas; in the Northeast that operate at a national scale. Most only operate in Alagoas.

Commercial Content analysis of their institutional slo- Inspired by Bourdieu’s Work (1997b). All use slogans and ta-

capital

gans or taglines⁸

glines on their institutional websites

Financial

Capital

Size of company: micro, small, large

Inspired by Bourdieu’s Work (1997b). We could not access the fir-

ms’ capital stock. We use firm size as a proxy for financial capital.

Source: Authors’ compilation.

Of the 17 developers, 14 share the same geographical capital as they are headquartered in Maceió,

the capital of Alagoas. Sixteen share similar “small” ownership capital because their owners are

primarily individuals, families, or partnerships, typically consisting of two or three partners. Whi-

le photos and brief videos of some owners are available on Instagram, detailed online information

about their affiliations and educational backgrounds remains scarce.

Based primarily on their creation-entry capital, we classified the companies into three groups:

pioneer specialists, specialists, and established broad-based firms.

6

Data were extracted from the Econodata platform using CNPJ (Corporate Taxpayer Identification Number) searches.

Although cultural capital (professional know-how) and technological capital (modus operandi) are relevant, we lack suffi-

7

cient data to systematize them.

The slogans or taglines were extracted from their Instagram and/or their official website.

8

Selling Paradise

Figure 6: Timeline of the Arrival of Developers in REM

Source: Authors’ compilation using AI.

3.1 Pioneer specialists

Three developers (Podium, Vale, and Salt) share the same creation entry capital. They were crea-

ted between 2000 and 2015 and entered the REM between 2015 and 2018, before the COVID-19

pandemic. Together, they account for 15 of the 65 developments in the REM.

Podium was founded by two civil engineers from Maceió. The company initially participated in

the Minha Casa, Minha Vida Program (My House, My Life in Portuguese), a federal housing initia-

tive that provides affordable homes to low-income families. In 2015, Podium fully shifted to the

high-end real estate market in the REM⁹. While its first two gated condominiums (GC) were loca-

ted away from the beachfront, the subsequent seven are beachfront. In 2024, Podium returned to

Maceió with a GC offering direct access to the waters of a lagoon island. Vale entered the REM in

2016 and, like Podium, initially developed a GC away from the beachfront (950 meters). However,

its second GC (launched in 2018) is beachfront. The company has two additional beachfront GCs

along Alagoas’s southern coast. Salt Boutique arrived at the REM in 2018 and currently maintains

four GCs there, although their precise locations could not be confirmed.

In terms of commercial capital, reflected in their slogans, Podium defines itself as a developer of

“high-end projects” and a “specialist in the Rota Ecológica dos Milagres.” Vale promotes itself as a

“specialist in gated condominiums,” while Salt’s use of “boutique” conveys a small, highly speciali-

zed firm focused on high-end services.

In summary, among the pioneer specialists, two share the same organizational capital as they pro-

gressively expanded toward the REM’s beachfront and other coastal areas of Alagoas. The three

of them actively leverage their commercial capital as high-end developers and specialists in gated

condominiums and in the REM.

9

Data were extracted from the following videos: https://www.instagram.com/podiumengenharia/reel/DIhhLmETh5d/

and https://youtu.be/KJDbLwXOX5Q. Accessed on: September 2nd, 2025

9

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

3.2 Specialists

We classified ten development companies as specialists, sharing the same creation entry capital,

since all were created after 2019. In half of these cases (five), the founding year coincided with

their entry into the REM, suggesting they were founded specifically to operate in the region. Des-

pite their recent arrival, these companies have driven the real estate boom, accounting for 44 of the

65 gated condominiums (GC) in the area. Of these 44, twenty were developed by Citecon and ECM.

When combined with the nine GC of the pioneer Podium, these three companies are responsible for

nearly half (29) of all developments, revealing a marked concentration of coastal appropriation.

3.2.1 Organizational capital

Of the ten specialist developers, three entered the REM in 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Citecon, founded in 2019, like Podium, had previously operated in the federal low-income Minha

Casa, Minha Vida Program before shifting its focus to the region. It now leads in the number of GCs,

with 11 developments, six directly on the beachfront. ECM, founded in 2020, has nine GCs, one

beachfront, and the others up to 350 meters from the sea. Madeiro, also founded in 2020, has four

projects, none beachfront. Although Citecon leads in the REM, it also develops in Maceió and other

parts of Alagoas, as does Madeiro. The remaining eight developers operate exclusively in the REM.

In 2021, three more companies arrived. Queiroz Azevedo, with three GC, and Cavalcante e Rolim,

with four. They also jointly developed three others¹⁰, totaling ten GCs. Four are beachfront, and

the rest are within 300 meters of the shore. Completing the trio, Taipa, the only one headquar-

tered in the REM, launched a single beachfront project. One of its partners is a pioneering local

figure organizing the celebrity-favored Réveillon dos Milagres.

In 2022, Casa Forte joined with four developments¹¹. The following year, RCVC-Comax was founded

specifically for the region, launching three projects, none beachfront. In 2024, Vivant and Domari

each debuted a beachfront project; both have partners connected to Madeiro, signaling the repro-

duction of agents already active in the area.

In summary, the specialists represent a profile of newly established developers who have begun

operating in the REM, driving a real estate boom. Within this group, two companies, Citecon and

ECM, account for nearly one-third of all developments. Most aim to locate their projects on or very

close to the beachfront. Additionally, we observe a process of capital reconversion¹², with event

entrepreneurs like Taipa transitioning between show business and real estate development. The-

re is also a capital conversion by one social agent working in Madeiro, who created his own com-

pany (Domari) and reached a premium spot by launching a beachfront GC in 2024.

10

Partnerships between developers to launch projects in the REM are common. According to real estate agents interviewed,

this strategy broadens marketing reach to each developer’s loyal audience and reduces operational costs.

We were unable to find much information about this developer.

Here we adopt Saint-Martin’s (2022) approach to capital reconversion, as the process was not complete: the partner of

11

12

Taipa continues to be involved with the major New Year’s Eve festivities.

10

Selling Paradise

3.2.2 Commercial capital

Citecon and ECM emphasize profitability in their slogans, targeting the short-term rental market.

Citecon presents itself as a “specialist in high-return developments,” while ECM promotes “invest-

ments with high return potential.” Madeiro underscores its territorial exclusivity with the slogan

“Exclusive developments in the paradise of São Miguel dos Milagres.” Queiroz Azevedo and Caval-

cante Rolim position themselves as specialists in the REM, highlighting exclusivity and high stan-

dards through slogans such as “We make the incomparable,” “High-standard benchmark on the

Ecological Route of Miracles,” “Transforming dreams into reality with exclusive developments,”

and “The dream of investing in paradise begins with us.” Taipa emphasizes “local culture, cura-

tion, charm, architecture, and sustainability with @tamojunto”¹³RCVC-Comax presents itself as

a “developer specialized in the Ecological Route of Miracles.” Vivant combines profitability with

high-standard positioning, while Domari adopts a sensory language, claiming to have been “born

from the sea” and to be “building experiences.”

As the pioneer specialists, they stress their expertise, but also incorporate economic values such

as profitability and investment into their discourse, while others also evoke sophistication throu-

gh references to local culture, exclusivity (“making the incomparable”), origins (“born from the

sea”), and even sensory experiences in paradise.

3.3 Established Broad-Based Firms

From 2021 onward, developers classified by us as established broad-based firms began opera-

ting in the REM. Founded between the 1980s and 1990s, such as Moura Dubeux (1983), R Pontes

(1988), Sanco (1996), and Telesil (1997), most are based in Alagoas (except for Moura Dubeux).

They are broad-based because they have developments throughout Alagoas and even across the

Northeast, as in the cases of Moura Dubeux and Sanco. These four developers do not primarily fo-

cus on the REM, each having only one development by 2024. Moura Dubeux’s profile is the opposite

of the specialists: Established in 1983 in Recife (the capital of Pernambuco) by three civil engine-

ers (and brothers), it initially focused on high-end buildings and expanded across the Northeast,

currently encompassing 25% of the real estate market in the Northeast. By 2013, it had built two

million square meters, and in 2020, it went public on the B3 stock exchange (located in São Paulo).

As established players in the real estate economic field, these companies are now joining the REM

trend. Except for R Pontes, whose website promotes its sole beachfront development in the REM

alongside other high-end projects under the slogan “Exclusive developments, unique concepts,” the

other three developers have created distinct brands, with separate online links for their beachfront

offerings.

Moura Dubeux launched the Beach Class line in 1999, targeting second homes by the sea for midd-

le and high-income Brazilian and foreign buyers. Its portfolio comprises 30 developments totaling

9,638 units and over 850,000¹⁴square meters, including its sole REM project, Beach Class Patacho.

In 2021, Sanco Engenharia, whose institutional tagline emphasizes its long-standing experience in

making the dream of owning a first home a reality, launched the Sanco Privilège brand for high-end

13

@tamojunto is the event company that organizes the Réveillon dos Milagres.

Data from Moura Dubeux’s webiste

14

11

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

properties, selling Reserva Ayasú condominium in the REM as its sole development. That same year,

Telesil, “the best developer in the Northeast,” launched TelesilMais to operate in the differentiated

niche, including Milagres Beach Residence in the REM. Both Sanco Privilège and TelesilMais were

established in the same year they launched their first REM projects. Notably, the terms “Class,” “Pri-

vilège,” and “Mais” (plus in Portuguese) underscore the high-end positioning of the REM.

The following figure provides an initial depiction of the relational positions within the REM coas-

tal real estate tourism subfield from 2015 to 2025, illustrating the concentration of specialist de-

velopers competing for beachfront lots with the well-established, large-scale developers founded

in the 1980s and 1990s, who entered the REM later, and likewise appropriated the beachfront.

Figure 7: REM’s coastal real estate tourism subfield – GC developers from 2015 to 2025

Sorce: Prepared by the author using research data.

4 The production of the discourse of rem appropriation through podium’s posts (2015–2025)

This section analyzes content produced on Podium’s Instagram between December 2015 and

March 2025. As the pioneer developer in the REM, Podium’s posts, considered by us as a form

of commercial capital comprising a set of marketing discourses, allow for tracing the discursive

construction of the REM over a decade. According to Bourdieu (2005), advertising not only func-

tions as a mechanism for legitimizing and producing the value of goods, but also performs a cons-

titutive role in the production of the economic field.

We justify selecting Instagram due to its rapid growth in Brazil, which had the world’s second-

-largest audience in 2015 with 29 million users (G1, 2015) and reached 134.6 million accounts

by 2025 (Brazomídia, 2025). Moreover, research indicates that Instagram can play a performative

role in the construction of tourist destinations (Fatanti & and Suyadnya, 2015; Iglesias-Sánchez et

al., 2020), including the REM (Prado, 2023). We accessed the Podium’s Instagram and downloa-

ded all cover photos, the images highlighted in each post, as shown in the figure below.

12

Selling Paradise

Figure 8: Sample of cover photos published on Podium’s Instagram

Source: Podium Instagram. Accessed 23 June 2025.

We collected 524 cover photos, numbered them as figures, tabulated them, and classified them ac-

cording to their slogans. When no slogan was present, classification was based on the image. Three

main categories were established: posts from the Developer about itself (posts featuring tips, ad-

vice, company profile, and services offered by the developer), posts about the Developments (posts

with direct reference to the GC), and posts about the Place (posts emphasizing the REM).

Table 2: Podium posts from 2015–2025 by category

Year

Developer

Development

Place

Total Posts

2015

2

10

3

1

4

3

2017

6

20

2018

1

4

2019

5

10

47

22

40

74

15

6

1

18

16

66

26

17

2

16

2020

58

23

16

18

14

3

123

61

2021

2022

122

118

46

2023

2024

2025

11

Total

152

220

152

524

Source: prepared by the authors.

13

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

The table above shows that posting activity was minimal until 2019. In 2020, a turning

point occurred, with a significant increase in posts about the developer and its developments.

Although posts highlighting the place and developments also grew that year, it was between

2022 and 2023 that the content intensified, revealing a clearer strategy linking the GC to the

REM territory. Based on Table 2, we divided the analysis of the Developer, Developments, and

Place categories into three periods: T01 (2015–2019), marked by low activity; T02 (2020),

identified as a turning point; and T03 (2021–2025), a period of rapid growth in projects by

Podium and other developers in the REM.

Then, our analysis proceeded in two steps. First, slogans¹⁵were analyzed using Voyant Tools Sof-

tware, to identify the most frequent words and the meaningful words that co-occurrence¹⁶to ex-

plore their associations. Second, images were categorized into three main types: (1) Landscape,

featuring paradisaical beaches; (2) Human Figures, focusing on people; and (3) Infrastructure,

highlighting constructions, and services. Our discussion primarily focuses on the slogans.

4.1 The Developer: Turning into an expert in Dreams, Market, Luxury, and Beachfront

Privilege

Podium’s cover photos reveal a process of professionalization and recognition in tandem with

the growing professionalization and recognition of the REM as a luxury tourist destination.

In T01 (2015–2019), as a pioneering specialist, Podium published 20 cover photos offering advice

on beach house decoration and investment, linking dreams, audacity, and economic calculation.

The company’s expertise encompassed investment, decoration, and the realization of aspirations.

In T02 (2020), cover photos increased to 58 (cf. Table 01) as Instagram became the primary pro-

motional channel during the COVID-19 pandemic. This year also saw the arrival of competing spe-

cialists, intensifying field competition. Thematic focus on tips and advice regarding beach house

decoration and investments intensified, with the most frequent slogan terms being “house” (26¹⁷),

“dream” (10), “investment” (10), “beach” (10), and “gated community” (10). Cover photo 155, pu-

blished in November 2020, introduced the profitability advice: “Have you considered investing in

a modern property and profiting from short-term rentals?” Podium’s pioneering profile was rein-

forced with slogans such as “12 years building your dream” (Fig. 92 from our dataset).

In T03 (2021–2025), 74 slogans continued to underscore the developer’s role as an advisor on hou-

sing (12), while also foregrounding terms such as “invest” (6), “property” (6), “family” (6), and “dre-

am” (6). Persistent keywords included “home,” “beach,” “decoration,” and “gated community,” while

“market” emerged as a new thematic element. Co-occurrence analysis shows “house” associated with

“privilege,” and “property” and “invest” linked to “beachfront,” “luxury,” and “privilege.” The term “dre-

am” conveys both the idea of something to be aspired to and of something already realized.

Compared with T01 and T02, when emphasis was placed on investment questions and profit, in

T03, the developer increasingly introduces the idea of luxury, as illustrated by cover photo 557

from our dataset (March 2025). Other slogans highlight the company’s modernization, showca-

15

A total of 324 slogans were analyzed.

For the co-occurrences, we considered the two preceding words and the two words that followed.

The numbers in parentheses show how often each word appears in the corpus. For this analysis, we focus on term frequen-

16

17

cy regardless of corpus size.

14

Selling Paradise

sing the launch of its new website and recognition through awards granted by a Maceió/Alago-

as-based organization. This logic of luxury is further reinforced by the appearance of a concierge

service offered by the developer, underscoring the REM’s consolidation as a high-end tourism des-

tination. Melo (2016) had already noted the repositioning of São Miguel dos Milagres as a luxury

destination where simply “being at the beach” becomes a socially distinctive privilege.

Figure 9: Representative cover photos related to the developer (T01, T02, T03)

T01 (Tips, Dreams, Investment in a

T02 (Investment and Profiting)

T03 (Investment and Luxury)

Beach House)

Fig. 19 from our dataset. Posted on May

29, 2017. “Make your dreams come

true” (Author’s translation).

Fig. 155 from our dataset. Posted on

November 14, 2020. “Have you consi-

dered investing in a modern property

and profiting from short-term rentals?”

(Author’s translation).

Fig. 557 from our dataset. Posted on

March 24, 2025. “Is buying a luxury

property in Alagoas worth it?” (Au-

thor’s translation).

Source: Production by the authors using cover photos from the research database.

4.2 Developments: Beachfront Paradises

By 2021, the developer had launched four projects. In 2021, it launched three additional develop-

ments, followed by one in 2022 and another in 2023.

Figure 10: Timeline of Podium’s developments

Source: Data sourced from the sequence of publications by the company

15

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

In T01 (2015–2019), 15 slogans related to developments were analyzed, with the most frequent

words being “dream” (7) and “Miracles” (Milagres) (3). The developments are framed as dreams

tied to something tangible, something to be built and brought to fruition. The word “Miracles” re-

fers to the location but is also used connotatively, as in “here the miracles begin” (Fig. 46 from our

dataset). The words “family” and “leisure” also appear prominently.

In T02 (2020), 25 slogans were analyzed. The most frequent words were: “Miracles” (7); “live”

(3); “dream” (3); “living” (3); and “by the sea” (3). Co-occurrence analysis shows that “Miracles”

is associated with the place and with the word “paradise,” while “dream” is linked to “build.” The

word “living” co-occurs with “paradise,” “close to nature,” and “invest.” The term “by the sea” is as-

sociated with “high-standard,” “most beautiful coast,” and “view.” At this stage, developments are

presented not only as dreams but also as high-standard investment opportunities in a paradise by

the sea.

In T03 (2021–2025), 157 slogans were analyzed. The most frequent slogan words were: “mira-

cles” (20); “sea” (15); “home” (10); “best” (9); “leisure” (8); “living” (7); “perfect” (7); “ecological

route” (7); “comfort” (7); “refuge” (6); “paradise” (6); “exclusivity” (6); and “beachfront” (6). The

word “sea” now surpasses “home” suggesting a focus on the outdoor experiences. Co-occurrence

analysis shows “sea” associated with “beachfront,” “by the sea” “paradise,” “view,” and “privilege.”

Developments are presented not merely as beach houses but as a perfect refuge, offering ocean

views, exclusivity, and comfort.

Figure 12: Representative cover photos related to the developments (T01, T02, T03)

T01 (Developments as miracles and a dream)

T02 (Developments in Paradise)

T03 (Luxury developments by the sea)

Fig. 46 from our dataset. Posted on June Fig. 90 from our dataset. Posted on Fig. 177 from our dataset. Posted on De-

12, 2019. “Here the miracles begin” (Au- May 15, 2020. “Have you ever imagi- cember 01, 2021. “A new luxury lifestyle

thor’s translation).

ned your whole family living in the is born, fully integrated with the environ-

paradise that is São Miguel dos Mila- ment: a high-end beachfront residential

gres?” (Author’s translation).

condominium on the Rota Ecológica dos

Milagres.” (Author’s translation).

Source: Production by the authors using cover photos from the research database.

16

Selling Paradise

4.3 About the Miracles: From a remote place to a benchmark

In T01 (2015–2019), there were a few slogans focusing on the place (7). The most frequent words in

slogans were “living” (4), “paradise” (2), “Miracles” (2), “Brazil” (2), “Alagoas” (2), and “believe in mira-

cles” (2). At this stage, there is a clear tendency to portray the REM as a distant paradise to be discovered.

In T02 (2020), 18 slogans were analyzed. The most frequent words included “Miracles” (9), refe-

rencing the place as a “paradise,” “beach”, “perfect beaches,” and “have you been?” The tone still

emphasizes the discovery of the place as a paradise.

In T03 (2021–2025), cover photos increased to 127, with frequent words including “Miracles”

(16), “paradise” (8), “ecological route” (6), and “beach” (6). Co-occurrence analysis shows that

“Miracles” no longer carries the connotation of an extraordinary event but refers either to the

geographic location along the Ecological Route or a benchmark. For example, five directly mention

the city of São Miguel dos Milagres (with slogans such as “paradisiacal beaches,” “best experien-

ce,” “where is this paradise?”). Six references about the Ecological Route as a whole (“growing

value,” “luxury beachfront tourism,” “development,” “rest from festivities”), and five use “Miracles”

more generically, as a benchmark linked to nature, ecotourism, dreams, and relaxation. Fieldwork,

however, reveals tensions: public agents from Porto de Pedras criticize the prominence given to

São Miguel dos Milagres, arguing that the “Miracles” label homogenizes the region and erases the

local identities of other municipalities. This process echoes Bruno and Salle’s (2018) analysis of

the symbolic reconfiguration of territories by elites, as observed in Pampelonne, France.

The word “paradise” frequently appears associated with tranquility, safety, and environmental

quality certification (Blue Flag). “Beach” is visually emphasized as a paradisaical, recreational,

and contemplative setting, with particular attention to Patacho Beach, which has received the Blue

Flag certification.

Figure 13: Representative cover photos related to the place (T01, T02, T03)

T01 (Miracles as a distant dream)

T02 (The town of São Miguel dos Milagres)

T03 (Miracle as a benchmark)

Fig. 07 from our dataset. Posted on April Fig. 135 from our dataset. Posted on Fig. 423 from our dataset. Posted on

04, 2017. “The Route of Miracles stands September 19, 2020. “São Miguel dos February 02, 2025. “Feel the spectacle

out in publications about tourism in Milagres will provide you with incredible of nature every day. Live Milagres.” (Au-

Brazil; living in a place like this is living landscapes, unforgettable experiences, thor’s translation).

in paradise; #BelieveInMiracles” (Au- and ear-to-ear smiles.” (Author’s trans-

thor’s translation).

lation).

Source: Production by the authors using cover photos from the research database.

17

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

In addition to T03 slogan analysis, an image-based analysis was conducted. Outdoor activities and

beach access are prominently featured. Of the 70 images analyzed without slogans, 38 depict all

the elements of a paradise: crystal clear and blue water, an empty beach, a sunny day, and coconut

trees (Fig. 322 below). Others bring people on off-beach activities (golf, massage, shopping, con-

dominium views), sports, and seaside experiences (diving, stand-up paddle, surfing, kite surfing).

Human figures, whether families, couples, or individuals, are consistently portrayed as white (in

a state where 60% of the population identifies as non-whites), young and slender, enjoying the

beach exclusively, and conveying happiness.

Figure 16: Cover photos illustrating beach uses

Fig. 368

Fig. 447

Fig. 391

Fig. 510

Fig. 528

Fig. 317

Food

Fig. 322

Paradise

Leisure/Family

Romance

Contemplation

Wellness

Adveture

Source: Production by the authors using cover photos from the research database.

5 Final considerations – social agents and their sociodicies of the supply of gc in the

rem’s coastal Real-State Tourism Field

Who is participating in the construction of the REM’s coastal real estate tourism subfield? Using

the notion of field as a heuristic tool, we observed that GC builders are primarily local social agents

working in firms with small ownership structures. In our field design, we highlight factors that

both align and differentiate these builders, with similarities prevailing. All of them evoke expertise

in the REM, either by converting their reputation from popular to high-standard construction, as

in Podium and Citecon, by launching their businesses already focused on boutique developments,

as in Cavalcante and Rolim, or by creating specific brands to operate in the region, as in Sanco,

Moura Dubeux, and Telesil.

The specialists concentrate their projects in the REM, with a visible concentration in the number

of developments, since three companies account for 44% of all GC. Many of their investments are

all in the REM, and several firms appear to have been created precisely to operate there, as their

founding dates coincide with the launch of the first GC. There is also a concentration in company

size, mostly small firms, often family-based or structured as small partnerships, and in their coo-

perative strategies, as Cavalcante and Rolim and Queiroz and Azevedo jointly build three projects

without clearly disclosing this partnership. We also observed capital reconversion, as in the case

of a social agent who moves between showbusiness and real estate, and capital conversion, as in

the case of an agent working at Madeiro who created his own company with a first seafront deve-

lopment. Differences remain, since at the other end of the spectrum stand established companies

with longer experience, more diversified portfolios, and wider geographic scope, although each

has only one GC in the REM, located in premium seafront areas.

What are the legitimate narratives that justify developers’ positions in the subfield? The REM was

once a remote place, and even today, access remains difficult. Podium’s owner stated in an inter-

18

Selling Paradise

view¹⁸that they were the first to take the risk of developing there in 2015. After the COVID-19 pan-

demic, it altered the objective conditions of the global tourism field; developers had the know-how,

and the location had the attributes of a lost paradise ready to be transformed into a commodity.

By 2025, their slogans and taglines commonly referenced specialization, investment, dreams, lu-

xury, and uniqueness. Between 2015 and 2025 these sociodicies evolved, as shown through Po-

dium’s Instagram posts. In T01, the discourse presented the beach house as a life project yet to be

achieved in a paradise awaiting discovery. In T02 Podium reinforced its role as a miracle facilitator

and gradually positioned itself as an expert while the property became a high end investment and

a financial asset for short-term rentals. From 2021 onward Podium consolidated its symbolic au-

thority as completed and award winning developments replaced promises, and the home became

explicitly associated with luxury, exclusivity, privilege, and beachfront living. The evolution of this

advertising illustrates the construction of a sociodicy that legitimizes the private appropriation of

beach access under the symbolic framework of the miracle, interpreted as something once unli-

kely but now realized, as a dream of living in paradise, as the name of a municipality, as an invest-

ment site, and as a benchmark for luxury and sustainability. In this symbolic struggle, Podium and

the other developers appear as those who operationalize an economic miracle by generating em-

ployment, municipal revenue, and income for owners and seasonal rental firms. They also provide

the miracle of comfort by delivering furnished homes in a remote region, and the miracle of access

to paradise as an exclusive luxury experience through concierge services.

An important observation must be made. The discourse of luxury has become a prominent trend

in tourism. However, how is it possible to maintain exclusivity with 65 developments comprising

at least 3,284 housing units along only 23 kilometers of coastline? This contradiction between lu-

xury as exclusive and at the same time accessible to all is addressed by Netto and Miraldi (2017),

who show that the new luxury tourism is structured around individualized experiences available

to many. Although this may suggest decreasing stratification, the authors argue that luxury is not

democratizing but reconfiguring distinction, as agencies differentiate between those for whom lu-

xury is embodied and those who must learn to consume it, as illustrated by Podium’s owner, who

stated in an interview¹⁹that he had to learn what luxury meant.

This paper offers a first step toward a deeper sociological analysis of the builders reshaping ac-

cess to paradise in the REM. By mapping their positions, strategies, and sociodicies, we show how

local firms and established developers construct a coastal real estate subfield that transforms a

once remote area into a commodified landscape of “exclusive” access. A deeper investigation of

developers’ cultural, educational, and family backgrounds, the payment methods enabling GC ho-

meownership, and other builders’ marketing strategies is still needed to test the hypothesis that

the REM exemplifies a new luxury tourism based on the paradox of exclusive access for all. Advan-

cing this field-oriented approach will clarify how these actors collectively structure and legitimize

the ongoing enclosure of coastal access in one of Brazil’s most coveted paradises.

18

Interview available on: https://youtu.be/KJDbLwXOX5Q. Accessed on: September 5th, 2025.

Ibidem

19

Marina Sartore; Wanderson Gomes

Funding

CAPES and PPGS

Acknowledgments

We thank CAPES and the Graduate Program in Sociology for funding this research through a

doctoral scholarship and fieldwork support. We also thank the reviewers and discussants of the

Working Group on Society and Economy at ANPOCS (2025) and the Economic Sociology session

at SBS (2025) for their careful reading and valuable suggestions that improved the early versions

of this article.

Link to access the article’s empirical data

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1nAkxMJ4oNeUyoRmfI9E9NMHX4zZ_r042/view?usp=sharing

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