LibreOffice/6.1.5.2$Linux_X86_64 LibreOffice_project/10$Build-2 0 0 14099 9999 true $(brandbaseurl)/share/palette%3B$(user)/config/standard.sob 0 $(brandbaseurl)/share/palette%3B$(user)/config/standard.soc $(brandbaseurl)/share/palette%3B$(user)/config/standard.sod 1270 false $(brandbaseurl)/share/palette%3B$(user)/config/standard.sog $(brandbaseurl)/share/palette%3B$(user)/config/standard.soh false false true true false false true false false false $(brandbaseurl)/share/palette%3B$(user)/config/standard.soe false 7 4 false 0 low-resolution false false 1 1 true 1 We Are Bulletproof: A Utilização das Redes Sociais como Espaços de Mobilização Coletiva por Fãs de BTS Priscila Rodrigues Tarlé Soares 1 Ricardo Campos 2 Resumo O rápido desenvolvimento e popularização das redes sociais trouxe consigo uma série de oportunidades e desafios para diversas áreas. Para os estudos de fãs, os espaços digitais passaram a configurar áreas de interesse acadêmico e social, pois proporcionam aos fãs a habilidade de realizar trocas uns com os outros, publicar conteúdos próprios e promover o seu objeto de interesse para novos públicos sem constrições geo- gráficas. Destacamos o K-pop como um fenômeno cultural que promove o uso de redes sociais para criação e promoção de conteúdo através da mobilização coletiva de seus fãs. Este artigo busca, por meio de revisão de literatura, enriquecer o diálogo em torno das mobilizações coletivas realizadas por fandoms de K-pop. Destacaremos, em particular, como os fãs do grupo BTS se auto-organizam e mobilizam ações através do uso de redes sociais. Para tal, embasaremos nossas observações nos estudos de Booth (2010), Jenkins e Deuze (2008), entre outros. Palavras-chave: Estudos de Fãs, Redes Sociais, K-Pop, Mobilização Coletiva, Fandom 1 Universidade Aberta, Departamento de Ciências Sociais e de Gestão, Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil E-mail: priscilatarle@gmail. com Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2390-9474 CrediT: Conceitualização, metodologia e escrita do rascunho original 2 Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Centro Interdisciplinar de Ciências Sociais (CICS. Nova); Lisboa, Lisboa, Portugal. E-mail: ricardocampos@fcsh.unl.pt Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4689-0144 Cre- diT: Supervisão, revisão e edição do artigo Revista TOMO São Cristóvão, v. 43, e21307, 2024 Data de Publicação: Outubro/2024 /9j/7gAOQWRvYmUAZAAAAAAB/9sAxQAMCAgICAgMCAgMEAsLCwwPDg0NDhQSDg4TExIXFBIU FBobFxQUGx4eJxsUJCcnJyckMjU1NTI7Ozs7Ozs7Ozs7AQ0KCgwKDA4MDA4RDg4MDREUFA8P ERQQERgREBQUExQVFRQTFBUVFRUVFRUaGhoaGhoeHh4eHiMjIyMnJycsLCwCDQoKDAoMDgwM DhEODgwNERQUDw8RFBARGBEQFBQTFBUVFBMUFRUVFRUVFRoaGhoaGh4eHh4eIyMjIycnJyws LP/dAAQAH//AABEIAPMB6AMAIgABEQECEQL/xAGiAAEAAgIDAAMBAAAAAAAAAAAABQYBBwID BAgJCgsBAQADAQEAAQUAAAAAAAAAAAADBAUCAQYHCAkKCxAAAQMBAgQGDAkfXQAAAAAAAAEC AwQFEQYSIVETFjFSkbIHNUFUYXF0lKGj0dIUIiMkJTJDgcEICQoVFxgZGiYnKCkqMzQ2Nzg5 OkJERUZHSEliorGzSlNVVldYWVpjZGVmZ2hpanJzdXZ3eHl6goOEhYaHiImKkpOVlpeYmZqk paanqKmqtLW2t7i5usLDxMXGx8jJytPU1dbX2Nna4eLj5OXm5+jp6vDx8vP09fb3+Pn6EQAB AQEFAwkFiQAAAAAAAAAAAQIDERIhMTNRkRMiQWFxgaGx0VKCksHSBAUGBwgJChQVFhcYGRoj 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O questionamento, quando transposto para os espaços de fãs, pode ser modificado para: como passamos de convenções, encontros e fanzines físicos para as redes sociais? Os espaços digitais têm se tornado cada vez mais essenciais para tes- temunhar e compreender os espaços de fãs, visto sua crescente presença nestes “locais” e a forma como fãs utilizam as redes sociais, amplificando suas vozes. O advento destes espaços, que não são constritos por barreiras geográficas, trouxe consigo uma série de oportunidades e desafios para o campo dos estudos de fãs. As barreiras de entrada aos espaços de fãs tornaram-se, assim, cada vez menores, e o campo alargou exponencialmente, com a inclusão de relações cada vez mais comple- xas entre fãs, ídolos e empresas. A participação e mobilização coletiva é uma característica comum aos grupos de fãs, mesmo na era pré-internet. Hellekson (2018) traça uma história das experiências comunitárias ligadas a parti- cipação de fandoms 4 , criando um panorama das redes de comunicação inerentes a criação destes grupos de fãs: o estabelecimento de redes de correspondência, a criação de fanzines e encontros locais para discussão dos objetos de interesse e a produção de conteúdo. Tanto Jenkins e Deuze (2008) como Booth (2010) apresentam as mudanças fundamentais que ocorrem no papel dos fãs face às novas tecnologias. Utilizando a metáfora de Jenkins, ainda que a produção de conteúdo tenha feito parte dos grupos de fãs desde seus primórdios (Hellekson, 2018), as redes sociais permitiram que estes produtores saíssem das margens invisíveis impostas por constrições geo- gráficas, econômicas e mesmo de acesso aos conteúdos de fãs, amplificando suas vozes e apagando fronteiras. O espaço entre fãs, ídolos e empresas, tornou-se, assim, cada vez menor. Neste âmbito, a música popular sul-coreana, também conhecida como K-pop, destaca-se como um movimento com grande aderência de fãs nas redes sociais com aderência ao redor do mundo (Jin e Yoon, 2016) e também como um espaço de grande movimentação coletiva (Kanozia e Ganghariya, 2021; Urbano, 2020) e participação ativa nas redes sociais (Chang e Park, 2019) O trabalho realizado por fãs de K-pop nas redes sociais os leva a adotarem, de certa forma, a posi- ção de mediadores interculturais e porta-vozes de seus ídolos. Vemos, então, a crescente comple- xificação da posição dos fãs de K-pop nos ambientes digitais: eles são consumidores, produtores de conteúdo, porta-vozes e representantes de seus objetos de afeto face a outros fãs em poten- cial, que mobilizam, coordenam, gerenciam e disseminam conteúdo ligado ao fandom e aos ídolos (Ming e Leung, 2017). Neste artigo, buscamos adicionar ao debate em torno da ação comunitária e participação coletiva de fãs, analisando a literatura em torno da mobilização coletiva destes grupos através das redes sociais. Demonstraremos como os grupos de fãs de mídias coreanas – em especial os fãs de K-pop – utilizam os espaços digitais de modo a organizarem grandes ações coletivas. Neste sentido, dis- cutiremos a multiplicidade de funções que estas redes podem desempenhar, não se restringindo apenas a uma dimensão lúdica, gregária e cultural. No caso que apresentamos, há uma ligação evidente com práticas de cidadania digital e de intervenção cívica que revelam que estes grupos 3 Tradução nossa. Original: “How did we get from Hollywood to YouTube?”. 4 Termo que surge a partir a amalgamação das palavras fan (fã) e kingdom (reino) ou domain (domínio). Utilizado para se referir a grupos de fãs – (Jenkins, 2014) 3 We Are Bulletproof de fãs podem constituir arenas relevantes para a compreensão e discussão da realidade social e política. Em particular, viraremos nosso olhar para o grupo de fãs de BTS (Bangtan Boys), deno- minados ARMYs, e como estes se auto- organizam tanto em prol da disseminação de seus ídolos, como em prol de causas sociais (Kim e Hutt, 2021; Park et al., 2021; Urbano, 2020) Apesar dos grupos de fãs não serem um exclusivo dos grupos etários mais jovens, fato é que a maioria daqueles que pertencem e se envolvem mais acentuadamente neste grupos pertencem a camadas juvenis. Neste sentido, o artigo contribui para pensar na cidadania e participação polí- tica dos mais jovens numa perspectiva alargada, revelando o papel que os media digitais podem desempenhar neste campo. Tal perspectiva tem sido destacada por diversos autores que demons- tram o papel cada vez mais central da internet e dos dispositivos digitais na forma como os jovens se envolvem politica e civicamente na sua comunidade (Pickard, 2019; Soep, 2014) O artigo foi dividido em quatro seções. Primeiramente, apresentaremos a relação entre internet e juventude, e como a internet figura em novos aspectos da juventude. Em seguida, discutiremos as redes sociais como espaço social, e como este pode ser utilizado de forma a mobilizar grandes contingentes de pessoas, e como questões como a algoritmização destes espaços afetam (ou po- dem afetar) esta mobilização. Em seguida, focaremos na relação entre a hallyu 5 e as redes sociais, sobretudo em como as empresas de entretenimento coreanas passaram a operar as redes sociais em prol da disseminação e popularização de seus grupos a partir da ação conjunta destas com fãs. Finalmente, analisaremos o fandom de BTS, os ARMYs e suas ações de mobilização coletiva, apon- tando como estes coordenam sua movimentação em redes sociais em prol de objetivos comuns. Internet, Tecnologias Digitais e Juventude A relação entre a juventude e as tecnologias e circuitos digitais tem sido tema de forte debate que extravasa o campo científico, estando recorrentemente presente na esfera pública, animando dis- cussões em torno das vantagens, oportunidades e malefícios do uso das tecnologias. Nada que nos espante, pois o aparecimento e expansão de novas tecnologias desperta, geralmente, um conjunto de discussões sobre os impactos que estas poderão ter nos grupos etários mais novos, tidos como mais permeáveis aos potenciais efeitos negativos destes dispositivos. Tal aconteceu no contex- to do aparecimento da televisão, dos videojogos ou da internet. Todavia, independentemente do debate público e acadêmico em torno da matéria, os dados parecem confirmar que os jovens são ávidos utilizadores dos dispositivos digitais e da internet (Lenhart et al., 2007; Livingstone, 2011; Lüders, 2011). Como refere Livingstone (2011, p. 357) no caso das crianças e jovens, “a Internet parece ser o “seu” medium; eles são os primeiros a adotá-la, os mais experientes em mídia, os pioneiros na era cibernética, liderando em vez de serem liderados, desta forma invertendo o fosso geracional, à medida que ganham confiança e experiência.” A gradual expansão da rede de internet e dos dispositivos móveis é especialmente relevante a este respeito na medida em que permite uma total e contínua conexão ao mundo virtual. Esta questão é de tal forma relevante que, no caso da juventude, há quem defenda que estamos perante uma “cul- tura juvenil móvel” (Vanden Abeele, 2016) com características distintivas e que assentam na forma 5 /9j/7gAOQWRvYmUAZAAAAAAA/9sAQwAMCAgICAgMCAgMEAsLCwwPDg0NDhQSDg4TExIXFBIU FBobFxQUGx4eJxsUJCcnJyckMjU1NTI7Ozs7Ozs7Ozs7/90ABAAF/8AACwgAEgAjAQARAP/E ANIAAAADCQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAFBgECAwQHCAkKCxAAAAICAAMHdx0AAAAAAAAAAQIDBAAF EQYSEyExQWEHCAkKFBUWFxgZGiIjJCUmJygpKjIzNDU2Nzg5OkJDREVGR0hJSlFSU1RVVldY WVpiY2RlZmdoaWpxcnN0dXZ3eHl6gYKDhIWGh4iJipGSk5SVlpeYmZqhoqOkpaanqKmqsbKz tLW2t7i5usHCw8TFxsfIycrR0tPU1dbX2Nna4eLj5OXm5+jp6vDx8vP09fb3+Pn6/9oACAEA AAA/AD9cM2gWl4qVUTpl4GVLCQBTIFVXIjBI3DIkhABItkMkEAOIC0B1eWJo7MURVhkDMV9f RJEKU64cFlIUqmQAMhEAKIGOIAIC5OYurBg2pWldEyxCZIQiZGsLSFGUTLCRTRA32rQ4pEbU QKDCcWlVWSqyVErpGWoEp0Ryo0z/ALXDuGYQECnboo2gtBc2gsLlVkFQwuCSGRIXKLeKZyBz AXcBoLH/0FmZSMVnS0y1lq+sqLjISr6chCoEiJqmOdGYSCchjFMIoxEXZzagxMHZCjRLDKES sjKZUZc/QBwSC3jQujEoC5tW8ImFqIsONpULMkSgtr6qto0aFUVEqYFY6ujTFEyIhjuphcmr Ro6OTBWtqbNVZXUE4LiuYV5ZVkAg/EgBugmAREQc3NowcFZYz8oAUrOCgAA0AAVEQAAZGx// 0TRt8YyNniE6MRIYVFGAmKLQRAEiUWjUGJBssnTnZ+plMkOYBSGagJhEI5M8sL1tLJOM1t2r e6jsSLNZAGRW8WX7YWFAx//Z Romanização do original: /9j/7gAOQWRvYmUAZAAAAAAA/9sAQwAMCAgICAgMCAgMEAsLCwwPDg0NDhQSDg4TExIXFBIU FBobFxQUGx4eJxsUJCcnJyckMjU1NTI7Ozs7Ozs7Ozs7/90ABAAD/8AACwgAEgARAQARAP/E ANIAAAADCQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACBgEDBAUHCAkKCxAAAAEDAAINjAMAAAAAAAAAAQIDBAAF BgcREhMUFSEiIzFBYQgJChYXGBkaJCUmJygpKjIzNDU2Nzg5OkJDREVGR0hJSlFSU1RVVldY WVpiY2RlZmdoaWpxcnN0dXZ3eHl6gYKDhIWGh4iJipGSk5SVlpeYmZqhoqOkpaanqKmqsbKz tLW2t7i5usHCw8TFxsfIycrR0tPU1dbX2Nna4eLj5OXm5+jp6vDx8vP09fb3+Pn6/9oACAEA AAA/AFAnlK9TE0lip88nMlJIlFHUdEMEGgOgQUSUQ1iYbEsQAtnAkG1xUiEhPAswqJWKYmkH jRxWwlMOUbYmSQSCOkECQUSUWUuCBQCArotrMpPmXVSS8EW8xrjlP//QWgoZw0rlJVeqtPPI ZSQbY+dNsEZPGgE4UJsoogS2kSUIkrogICDeodJWPkEGlUISKbYZGQk4o8fYYSSiigKNn18W UuwMInDi6K4DepNGTFWyymLxkcRT/9Ey2mmpiEsgRS0M+dRyilXkgUJoso2Igwh1mFeiCkhW Mq5VueWRKtNHU5JOEFpxgkogo8cKJEBLABAQEpcEFK4Kf//Z . Neologismo composto pelas estruturas /9j/7gAOQWRvYmUAZAAAAAAA/9sAQwAMCAgICAgMCAgMEAsLCwwPDg0NDhQSDg4TExIXFBIU FBobFxQUGx4eJxsUJCcnJyckMjU1NTI7Ozs7Ozs7Ozs7/90ABAAC/8AACwgAEAAQAQARAP/E ANIAAAEACwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAQIDBAUHCAkKCxAAAAAEAgUEkwAAAAAAAAAAAQIDBAUR AAYSEyEHFEFRCAkKFRYXGBkaIiMkJSYnKCkqMTIzNDU2Nzg5OkJDREVGR0hJSlJTVFVWV1hZ WmFiY2RlZmdoaWpxcnN0dXZ3eHl6gYKDhIWGh4iJipGSk5SVlpeYmZqhoqOkpaanqKmqsbKz tLW2t7i5usHCw8TFxsfIycrR0tPU1dbX2Nna4eLj5OXm5+jp6vDx8vP09fb3+Pn6/9oACAEA AAA/ACVWAmSLo2WEOjQ2XYhuQCTOC6HHaIjlAjBKLQq0RHFAAAqQGAWtRSAGBkIjZA6ILokM IRLkwEzZDTxDxR1tZCmOOVGHFYLDADB+qf/QLj5CCZFGkMMyZ2fgInIp2EqKz48CmuxBRhGK +TAkELQohkhJMsjaJmZQ6PwkTYQ0CSFZ8eASCUFHCOxXyYUwgA/VP//Z (han – que vem da Coreia, coreano) e (ryu – onda) traduzido como “onda coreana”. Este é o termo utilizado para se referir ao fenômeno da popularização internacional de produções midiáticas sul-coreanas. 4 Priscila Rodrigues Tarlé Soares; Ricardo Campos como este grupo etário emprega os aparatos digitais móveis. Esta é uma cultura partilhada que assenta numa conexão permanente, com uma prevalência das mensagens escritas e gráficas na comunicação inter-pares e em que as tecnologias móveis são centrais para a auto-representação. O uso dos dispositivos móveis e das tecnologias digitais, apesar de sua vertente individualizada, tem óbvias consequências coletivas, sociais e culturais, na medida em que, por um lado, se adapta a padrões culturais pré-existentes e, por outro lado, contribui para a formação de novas práticas, valores e percepções. Desta forma, é um elemento cultural, com finalidades bem definidas, forja- do no âmbito de uma determinada cultura, sendo que é incorporado e mobilizado por distintos grupos e comunidades, em função dos seus particulares interesses e características. A idade é um fator determinante na forma como se empregam estes dispositivos, como bem assinalou Prensky (2001) no início do milénio, catalogando de “nativos digitais” aqueles que pertencem à primeira geração confrontada com o mundo digital. A ubiquidade da internet e dos dispositivos digitais significa que, por um lado, estes são em- pregues de forma transversal pelos jovens, para um conjunto de práticas quotidianas, que atra- vessam diferentes esferas da sua vida social, afetiva, lúdica, escolar, familiar etc. Há, por isso, uma cultura comum que corresponde a um conjunto relativamente uniforme e generalizado de práticas e códigos que é partilhado. Porém, fato é que a diversidade juvenil, traduzida, por exemplo em múltiplas culturas juvenis (Pais, 1993) determina que exista diversidade na incor- poração dos dispositivos e nos seus usos que decorre de posições sociais, disposições, literacias, interesses e práticas variáveis. Deste modo, determinadas (sub)culturas juvenis pré-digitais, reinventaram-se e criaram novas práticas a partir do uso destes circuitos e dispositivos (Simões e Campos, 2017) Nas ciências sociais, a literatura acadêmica em torno da articulação entre juventude e mundo di- gital tem estado particularmente assente na dimensão lúdica e gregária. Isto não é de estranhar dado que a abordagem “culturalista” representa uma área de pesquisa fundamental no âmbito dos estudos juvenis espelhando, em grande medida, a forma como socialmente concebemos a juventu- de. Porém, nos últimos anos, tem-se prestado atenção, igualmente, ao papel que a internet desem- penha ao nível da participação cívica e política dos mais jovens. Tal acontece, em primeiro lugar, porque na última década e meia o termo “ativismo digital” adquiriu um protagonismo crescente, resultado de um conjunto de movimentos e dinâmicas sociais e políticas em que os dispositivos di- gitais assumiram especial destaque (Campos et al., 2016; Fernández-Planells et al., 2014; Pickard, 2019) Em segundo lugar, como consequência daquilo que afirmamos nos parágrafos anteriores, estabeleceu-se uma relação quase imediata entre juventude e ativismo digital. Se é um fato que o chamado ativismo digital não é um exclusivo dos mais jovens, também é um fato que, dadas as suas especiais competências e imersão no mundo tecnológico e digital, eles foram essenciais para uma reinvenção de práticas e para a criação de novas gramáticas de ação e protesto. Esta questão é particularmente visível a partir de um período especialmente conturbado, marcado por ações de protesto e mobilização em diferentes partes do mundo. A primavera árabe, o movimento occupy, o 15 M, o umbrella movement ou, no caso brasileiro, o movimento passe-livre ou da ocupação das escolas secundárias, mostraram a relevância da internet a distintos níveis. O poder e capacidade da internet e dos dispositivos digitais é de tal ordem que estes têm sido iden- tificados como relevantes para o desenvolvimento de múltiplas tarefas e para alcançarem diversos objetivos dos movimentos ativistas contemporâneos. Estas variações dependem não apenas das tecnologias e plataformas utilizadas, mas também dos atores sociais envolvidos, dos seus posicio- 5 We Are Bulletproof namentos e finalidades. Pesquisas desenvolvidas por equipes às quais pertence um dos autores deste artigo, ao longo da última década, concluíram que os jovens ativistas empregam estes dispo- sitivos para alcançarem os seguintes objetivos: (a) debate e reflexão, (b) organização e logística dos movimentos, (c) mobilização, (d) comunicação; (e) recrutamento, (f) representação pública dos movimentos, (g) construção e manutenção de redes grupais/sociais, (h) realização de eventos (Campos et al., 2016). Mais recentemente foi demonstrado que estas tecnologias e redes podem desempenhar, também, um papel crucial para manter laços afectivos e emocionais, servindo de importante suporte gregário e identitário para jovens envolvidos em certas causas de índole mi- noritária (Campos e Da Silva, 2023). As pesquisas revelam, então, que a internet ocupa uma posição central na forma como os jovens se empenham na vida democrática e constroem a sua cidadania (Campos e Simões, 2024; Loader et al., 2014; Soep, 2014). Isto relaciona-se, igualmente, com o desencanto com a política institucional e um crescente fosso relativamente aos atores políticos tradicionais, tal como ficou demonstrado pelas dinâmicas de mobilização por nós referenciadas (Chou et al., 2017; Pitti, 2018). A vida cívica e política dos mais jovens parece reger-se, cada vez mais, por ações de natureza horizontal, em torno de causas particulares ou episódios sociopolíticos, muitas vezes de índole efémera (Pickard, 2019; Sarrouy et al., 2022). Deste modo, existe uma constante sobreposição entre a esfera pública e privada, entre o lazer, entretenimento e política, ou entre os domínios online e offline, dando ori- gem a práticas de natureza híbrida (Treré, 2018). Em resumo, aquilo que tem sido frisado pelos investigadores é que, atualmente, é impossível pen- sar na ação cívica e política dos jovens sem envolver as tecnologias digitais e a constante articula- ção entre os mundos offline e online. Todavia, e em grande medida motivado pela ubiquidade da internet e constante sobreposição entre o online e offline, alguns autores defendem que não faz sentido manter esta dicotomia o que significa, igualmente, que o termo ativismo digital se revela, cada vez mais, vago e enganador (Ozkula, 2021). Redes Sociais Como Espaço de Mobilização Coletiva O papel das redes sociais na mobilização coletiva é relativamente recente. É possível identificar uma série de associações entre o seu poder de massificação de mensagens e o estabelecimento de comunidades com interesses em comuns, motivação para a participação ativa em ações coletivas e propagação de mensagens em prol de mobilizações coletivas. A aderência às redes sociais cresceu exponencialmente desde sua concepção, principalmente en- tre jovens e jovens adultos que cresceram em contato com estas tecnologias. O comportamento destes grupos nas redes é associado a busca por pertencimento a grupos e procura por outras pessoas com interesses, opiniões e objetivos em comum (Seo et al., 2014). Uma característica es- sencial destes grupos, de acordo com Marwell et al. (1988), é a existência de laços sociais entre seus membros. O advento de novas tecnologias de comunicação e redes sociais, por sua vez, criou novas maneiras de estabelecer laços sociais e criar grupos com objetivos e interesses em comum. Neste sentido, podemos falar de comunidade digitais, como espaços coletivos que são construídos a partir destas conexões entre pessoas com interesses e problemas comuns, que encontram na internet um campo de diálogo, comunicação e entreajuda. Inês Amaral fala de uma “Comunidade 2.0”, que, em suas palavras, “remete para três princípios: participação, mobilidade e poder. Da- 6 Priscila Rodrigues Tarlé Soares; Ricardo Campos qui decorrem noções como democracia, acesso, equidade, diversidade e independência.” (Amaral, 2016, p. 102). O fato de introduzirmos o termo comunidade digital não significa que estas pos- suem uma existência meramente virtual, na medida em que, em muitos casos, estas permitem o desenvolvimento de laços presenciais e territorializados. Ou seja, as redes sociais são fundamen- tais para as sociabilidades contemporâneas, particularmente no caso dos mais jovens. A existência de comunidades virtuais, em torno da partilha de práticas e interesses, pode favo- recer a mobilização coletiva. Esta, por sua vez, pode ser definida como um conjunto de ações re- alizadas por um grupo de pessoas em prol de um bem comum (Chen et al., 2021; Marwell et al., 1988). Aqui, expandimos esta definição para considerar também o definido em Seo et al. (2014), que inclui na mobilização coletiva a atuação de um grupo de pessoas com um objetivo em comum, sendo ele ligado diretamente a algum tipo de “bem comum” ou não. Em tese, a capacidade de mobilização e comunicação em massa das redes sociais facilitariam a mobilização coletiva (Chen et al., 2021). No entanto, estudos atuais (Chen et al., 2021; Gerbaudo, 2012) se dividem quanto à verdadeira eficácia e papel destas redes na criação de ações em mas- sa. Se, por um lado, as redes sociais diminuem os custos – sociais, pessoais, de tempo, etc. – en- volvidos na participação individual em ações coletivas, por outro, estes espaços digitais também apresentam uma série de novos desafios. Estes são, principalmente, organizacionais, devido a ca- racterística decentralizada e a falta de estruturas hierárquicas pré-estabelecidas ou instituições formais nas redes sociais, que podem apresentar empecilhos para a transformação de objetivos comuns em ações concretas e direcionadas (Chen et al., 2021; Marwell et al., 1988). No entanto, o fator social destes espaços digitais certamente parece ter efeito sobre a motivação de se envolver em ações comunitárias. Nomeadamente, o consumo de mídias através de meios digitais apresentou efeitos positivos sobre a intenção de jovens de participar em movimentos co- letivos, e tem, de forma generalizada, efeitos sobre o comportamento de jovens (Seo et al., 2014). Além disso, o poder de disseminação de informações das redes sociais facilita o acesso à informa- ções relacionadas a movimentos de mobilização coletiva. O poder de propagação das redes sociais permite que mesmo pessoas que não estejam diretamente envolvidas com grupos organizadores tenham acesso à informações que motivam, embasam ou permitem a participação individual (Cam- pos e Da Silva, 2023; Chen et al., 2021; Pang e Goh, 2016). Há, assim, uma crescente decentralização de informações ligadas a movimentos coletivos. O pa- pel das instituições ou do topo das hierarquias organizacionais, que outrora foi o de estabelecer, centralizar, definir e distribuir mensagens conectadas a movimentos coletivos, compete cada vez mais com o de indivíduos e lideranças locais no que toca a propagação de informações e motivação (Campos et al., 2016; Papacharissi, 2008; Soep, 2014). Fãs, Hallyu e Redes Sociais Neste artigo, falamos de um campo particular de fãs e de comunidades virtuais, pelo que importa fazer uma contextualização breve do fenómeno. O caso em concreto que debatemos é o dos fãs de K-Pop (música pop coreana). Para percebermos o sucesso deste fenómeno e a sua expansão global é fundamental perceber o seu entorno social, político e econômico. O investimento e valorização da produção cultural coreana é um processo político e econômico que se inicia ao longo da década de 1990, principalmente com a crise financeira de 1997 (Black e Black, 1999; Kang, 2014). O in- vestimento governamental em produtos culturais, com suas motivações tanto políticas como eco- 7 We Are Bulletproof nômicas, marca uma guinada que leva a criação de uma indústria cultural robusta, que permitiu o advento da onda coreana. Esta disseminação ocorre principalmente em duas fases: a expansão da onda coreana no continen- te asiático entre a década de 1990 e 2007 e a “nova hallyu”, ou hallyu 2.0, marcada pela expansão global e pelo uso de redes sociais e espaços digitais para sua disseminação a partir de 2007 (Jin e Yoon, 2016). Bok-Rae (2015) identifica o papel essencial das redes sociais para a popularização do K-pop além das fronteiras asiáticas, dadas que tentativas anteriores de disseminação global de grupos e atos de K-pop haviam sido consideradas como fracassos.. Tentativas de popularizar grupos a partir da associação com grupos americanos ou através de turnês e campanhas solo não conseguiram penetrar o mercado estadunidense nem se popularizar de forma expressiva além das fronteiras asiáticas (Jung, 2015). As redes sociais aparecem, então, como ponto fulcral para a propagação da hallyu. O uso destes es- paços para disseminação dos produtos culturais sul-coreanos em geral e do K-pop, em particular, pode ser identificado como um movimento com duas principais correntes. A primeira é caracteri- zada por ações corporativas das indústrias de entretenimento coreanas. Estas ações de marketing são impulsionadas por interesses corporativos, econômicos e governamentais. A segunda corren- te, por sua vez, é caracterizada por movimentos de fandoms que buscam difundir as produções de seus ídolos (Choi, 2015; Jin e Yoon, 2016). O estabelecimento de fandoms digitais levou ao desenvolvimento de novas formas de consumir mídia (Booth, 2010). As interações digitais criaram, efetivamente, comunidades de prática em tor- no de interesses em comum que, por sua vez, geraram novos marcadores identitários que só se tor- naram possíveis graças a uma combinação de fatores exclusiva de espaços digitais (Baym, 2000), que por sua vez permitiram uma maior disseminação de atos de K-pop. Os fãs, através de sua participação ativa em comunidades digitais, estabelecem uma relação sim- biótica com as empresas midiáticas e conglomerados globais. As empresas de entretenimento são responsáveis por publicar conteúdos em suas contas oficiais, estabelecerem laços com conglome- rados globais e gerenciarem o marketing tradicional (a participação em programas televisivos, a associação com empresas de publicação, as relações públicas). Por outro lado, os fãs impulsionam estas ações tradicionais através da disseminação nas redes sociais, das visualizações e das vota- ções públicas que impulsionam a visibilidade de seus ídolos e a efetividade das ações empresa- riais. O uso de tecnologia para a disseminação de atos de K-pop já era priorizado desde o início dos anos 2000, porém a popularização das redes sociais levou às empresas responsáveis por estes gru- pos a explorarem cada vez mais o conteúdo de usuários (UGC 6 ), implementando concursos digitais e explorando cada vez mais a relação entre ídolos e fãs de forma a fomentar a internacionalização destes grupos (Jung, 2014). As motivações para a participação ativa nas redes sociais envolvem a busca por pares com inte- resses similares (Baym, 2000), prazer na interação com outros fãs e com seu objeto de interesse (Booth, 2010), localizar os conteúdos oficiais e fomentar a popularização de seus ídolos em merca- dos locais (Ming e Leung, 2017) e encontrar validação de sua identidade de fã nos espaços digitais. Podemos identificar, nesta estratégia, uma conexão com as teorias apresentadas em “Convergen- ce Culture”, de Jenkins e Deuze (2008). Estes autores exploram a convergência entre fãs e mídia, 6 UGC – User-generated content. 8 Priscila Rodrigues Tarlé Soares; Ricardo Campos devido ao desenvolvimento tecnológico que permite interações cada vez mais diretas entre estes dois grupos. Até o advento e disseminação em massa da internet e das redes sociais, o nível de interação entre fãs e ídolos era mitigado por fatores geográficos e econômicos. O espaço de fãs mantinha, então, uma distância do espaço de produção midiática que diminuiu cada vez mais com o desenvolvimento das tecnologias de comunicação. Sobre a formação de comunidades nas redes sociais, Baym (2000) aponta que o meio – a plata- forma, ou o conjunto de plataformas utilizada pela comunidade – tem tanta importância quanto o objeto – ou seja, o objeto de interesse principal destes fãs. As características da mídia a ser con- sumida, o tipo de público que esta atrai e os interesses que levam este público a participar de uma comunidade de fãs todos afetam a forma como a comunidade se forma, qual identidade comunitá- ria ela adota e como membros individuais interagem com esta. É importante destacar, assim, que o K-pop não pode ser visto como um monólito. Mesmo a divisão mais convencional, que divide atos de K-pop em diferentes gerações baseadas em quando estrearam e em características de sua música, das tecnologias que utilizaram e da geração de fãs a qual se direcionaram, não é o suficiente para diferenciar os fãs destes grupos, que estabelecem seus próprios marcadores identitários ligados aos grupos específicos aos quais se dedicam. Além das diferenças internas, os fandoms de K-pop apresentam uma série de especificidades por causa de suas origens não ocidentais. Nomeadamente, os fãs de K-pop frequentemente adotam a posição de mediadores interculturais, criando pontes entre o conteúdo oficial e suas comunidades locais através de ações de tradução, disseminação, contextualização e discussão em torno do conteúdo criado por seus ídolos (Ming e Leung, 2017). BTS, ARMYs e Mobilização Coletiva /9j/7gAOQWRvYmUAZAAAAAAA/9sAQwAMCAgICAgMCAgMEAsLCwwPDg0NDhQSDg4TExIXFBIU FBobFxQUGx4eJxsUJCcnJyckMjU1NTI7Ozs7Ozs7Ozs7/90ABAAK/8AACwgAEwBJAQARAP/E ANIAAAEACwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAYAAQIDBAUHCAkKCxAAAAECAwEKjgMAAAAAAAAAAQIDBAUR AAYSExQVIiMxQYEHCAkKFhcYGRohJCUmJygpKjIzNDU2Nzg5OkJDREVGR0hJSlFSU1RVVldY WVphYmNkZWZnaGlqcXJzdHV2d3h5eoKDhIWGh4iJipGSk5SVlpeYmZqhoqOkpaanqKmqsbKz tLW2t7i5usHCw8TFxsfIycrR0tPU1dbX2Nna4eLj5OXm5+jp6vDx8vP09fb3+Pn6/9oACAEA AAA/ACVLz6cFJEkQnzZkEOUWlrTEnzhZ8oBXiipImCQVFtZ4t60WhEWeBDJ8ZIMnTbBH0ccI RLNA2JSgvIkQKXy+CnAs5XNmAOnEKfOIZNjRYGCTgnkUiSziGLKEkFWaxk4qqqqCpK0wXJow yiErAwbAsCkOcOkliWQWQSqJw4IL0SiQAoJ2SIrOyk+KJXRAhhEWTgIBClH2aJoEYULCAQJS koAo1qL4QBrWjU+OHDSXL80WJBTGkGC+JESRUKRBokoFQk4CoK0nXZI8+h0MikObRRZkg4l5 1fGiUEeRRJSoHAFU6SK9IVAFHm1Naz9NDQoktIEEJ08aNIg6WSdYA6cMFFAQhTpwAEogokVF 8SAtazaaIRCpKlYHCS0QdIBHoA4Wwpw+jDjNRBqBQKE4U3AtEuk6WSiir00XyFb/0Cg0lhAo 04yClaFA0lx4DZJ5Enz5ACdIABECCCSDigEqqKi2tQLTVJgNI1L0WbOmijJZ5EokhGGSigLX pwp5HAJKAAVJEBVAVGoVnKQoEweMEIo2dRZBKHRCIMEmS0SdOm1EOdLMAqAqAoLBqqKPJZ4Y NoZLUgJQ6dHiUGbEo4SWWUeYCBzhZQABZJZKgiAtgrS9lpcsSiQSUlFpeCUCgClTbCGWBYQT gAvRFfKKiAiMnbVpgWbShHJCcMoJFFHkGZBfAeQ54EQcJEyUB4AAssTjzASQUAWxZwWlZ1Ep IfRBhFoxFlotLTrAmUQcIUETxoV6AgSSQSqzlolM0IgxS1CnkeaLLLQpRgk2wZ04YOEFnRJQ 4iBRsskWo4KrzallopKDZhDkkIIDxwopGoE4WB0+eRChJo+QWUIMKcLUUJARFRrWmryW/9Eo XTG2JI0k+gzh1DlotRh2COnTZJYgzQKEkksCV8oAAqoqsQpWhEOgkEaMoYlekiSvxVEosooo tnFFFFFCJQiIiqIiKwMiUUi0GjEUYQqIPGTQItEFAQQcOEkgJZwssoVF82iIisYLniikUkxg tFFCeKETipRwROCKhZQA8ylVpgxZDyqIu0niLO0WaNggT5skkCSSjJwBAAUB5kiAtS1PTaYJ gZNkmTSLPkkEEkkEkgdOKASAKAEDSZYwTVU4uWX5ZRQlMXQ5a+VECl8SJsoClVVVVQVWGECm SYlo5DkFos+USUfNAICdOCAgJQKgIL5Y/W//2Q== BTS (no coreano original: , traduzido como Bulletproof Boy Scouts), ou Bangtan Boys, é um grupo de música pop sul-coreano formado no ano de 2010 pela empresa coreana Big Hit Enter- tainment, considerado um dos maiores nomes do K-pop e a mais bem-sucedida manifestação da hallyu no mercado global. Como primeira boyband coreana a atingir o primeiro lugar na Billboard, e aparições em revistas de renome internacional, o grupo se tornou um símbolo da Coreia do Sul, tendo sido concedidos com o status de embaixadores culturais do país (Bajenaru, 2022). Atribui-se parte do grande sucesso global do grupo à sua engajada comunidade de fãs, denomina- da ARMY. Esta é responsável por coordenar ações em prol da disseminação, popularização e vota- ções para prêmios locais (da Coreia) e internacionais (Chang e Park, 2019). Este fandom também se destaca devido aos seus grandes contingentes. A conta oficial do grupo conta atualmente com mais de 75 milhões de seguidores, sendo o grupo de K-pop com o maior número de seguidores na plataforma. Mesmo se considerarmos que nem todas essas pessoas se identificam como ARMYs, de acordo com o website STATISTA (2024), o grupo conta com mais de 24 milhões de fãs registrados na plataforma WeVerse, sendo o grupo com o maior número de fãs na plataforma. De acordo com um censo realizado por Grover et al. (2022), o fandom é majoritariamente composto por mulhe- res, com cerca de 30% das respostas ao censo vindo de membros com menos de 18 anos e 54% de membros entre 18 e 29 anos. Estas se organizam principalmente através das redes sociais, intera- gindo com outras ARMYs, contas oficiais e fã- clubes locais e globais. Apesar de não configurarem uma organização internacional em modelos tradicionais, as fãs se auto-organizam de forma flexível e sem um líder (ou conjunto de líderes) definido (Chang e Park, 9 We Are Bulletproof 2019). As páginas dedicadas a disseminar conteúdo sobre BTS (os fã-clubes digitais) surgem de forma espontânea, a partir de um interesse em comum de um pequeno grupo de fãs ou de inte- resse individual em criar este conteúdo. Da mesma forma, estes grupos, a partir de movimentos auto-organizados desenvolvem ações coletivas de alcance global (Kim e Hutt, 2021). As ARMYs são responsáveis pela coordenação de diversas movimentações que visam tanto a disseminação do grupo, quanto a participação em ações sociais, tais como angariações de fundos para caridade, ati- vismo digital e físico e eventos de coordenação global em prol de um objetivo em comum (Kanozia e Ganghariya, 2021; Park et al., 2021). O ativismo de fãs é uma característica comum de diversos fandoms de K-pop, que é globalizada e impulsionada pela presença em espaços digitais. No geral, há uma certa expectativa que estas ações coletivas ocorram de modo a elevar a reputação dos ídolos e do fandom nas mídias tradicio- nais (Chang e Park, 2019). A principal diferença entre o ativismo de fãs de K-pop e artistas ociden- tais é que a escolha de causas e coordenação em prol de campanhas parte dos fãs, e não de uma ação concreta dos artistas ou de seu endosso pessoal ou corporativo (Jung, 2012). Neste cenário, as redes sociais figuram como principal espaço de coordenação de movimentos em massa de fandoms. Estes grupos empregam a disseminação em massa (através de hashtags, palavras-chave e campanhas coordenadas entre grupos de fãs locais) como forma de organizar movimentos de participação ativa pessoal e comunitária em nome de seus artistas favoritos. Este engajamento pode tanto ser empregado em prol de interesses do fandom (votações em prêmios, reinvindicações para as empresas de entretenimento) como em prol de ações sociais. Recentemente, membros globais das ARMYs notavelmente atuaram em prol do movimento Black Lives Matter, a movimentação antirracismo que se iniciou após sucessivas abordagens racistas de pessoas negras por parte da polícia estadunidense (Lee e Kao, 2021; Park et al., 2021), e empre- garam táticas de ativismo digital para interferir com a eficácia de um novo sistema de denúncia de ativistas da polícia estadunidense (Urbano, 2020). Sobretudo, o fandom emprega táticas similares àquelas utilizadas para votações online e strea- ming, aproveitando-se do seu grande contingente e comunidades engajadas para apoiar causas sociais, ou, por outro lado, protestar contra potenciais injustiças. Podemos apontar, como exemplo do segundo caso, a utilização de hashtags como #WhiteLivesMatter e #AllLivesMatter para postar fancams 7 de forma a inutilizar as hashtags para seu propósito original, que era criticar o movimen- to Black Lives Matter (Kanozia e Ganghariya, 2021). 7 Filmagens feitas por fãs de seus ídolos, em shows ou outras aparições oficiais 10 Priscila Rodrigues Tarlé Soares; Ricardo Campos Figura 1 - Army Charity Map, por One In An Army Com o apoio oficial do BTS ao movimento Black Lives Matter e sua atuação como embaixadores culturais na ONU, as ações das ARMYs viram-se validadas, de certa forma, no discurso de seus ído- los. O grupo também se pronunciou publicamente em suas redes sociais contra o racismo contra asiáticos, que cresceu após a pandemia de COVID-19 (Lee e Kao, 2021). Várias motivações e aspectos da relação entre as ARMYs e o BTS impulsionam sua atividade ati- vista. O fandom apresenta-se como uma das facetas públicas do grupo e, por isso, buscam apoiar causas sociais que impulsionem uma visão positiva sobre o grupo de fãs sobre seus ídolos. Da mesma forma, mantém laços positivos com o próprio BTS, ao dedicarem ações de caridade aos membros (tal como ações de caridade no aniversário de membros, que geram doações para ações específicas) (Kanozia e Ganghariya, 2021). O fandom do BTS e seus ídolos apresentam, assim, uma forte tendência a atuação política e soli- dariedade nas diferentes lutas antirracismo. Estas especificidades destacam a característica con- tra-hegêmonica e decolonial do K-pop e a cada vez mais relevante posição dos fãs na atuação em movimentos de cyberativismo, redirecionando as ações que historicamente utilizaram para popu- larizar seus ídolos como forma de atuar em prol destas movimentações coletivas (Lee e Kao, 2021; /9j/7gAOQWRvYmUAZAAAAAAB/9sAxQAMCAgICAgMCAgMEAsLCwwPDg0NDhQSDg4TExIXFBIU FBobFxQUGx4eJxsUJCcnJyckMjU1NTI7Ozs7Ozs7Ozs7AQ0KCgwKDA4MDA4RDg4MDREUFA8P ERQQERgREBQUExQVFRQTFBUVFRUVFRUaGhoaGhoeHh4eHiMjIyMnJycsLCwCDQoKDAoMDgwM DhEODgwNERQUDw8RFBARGBEQFBQTFBUVFBMUFRUVFRUVFRoaGhoaGh4eHh4eIyMjIycnJyws LP/dAAQAJP/AABEIAU8COQMAIgABEQECEQL/xAGiAAACAwEBAAIDAAAAAAAAAAAAAgMEBQEG BwgJCgsBAAIDAQABBQAAAAAAAAAAAAQFAAIDAQYHCAkKCxAAAQMCAwQDBgQHAn8AAAAAAQID EQAhBBIxBSJBURNhcQYUMoGRoUKx0fAjM1JyweHxBxUICQoWFxgZGiQlJicoKSo0NTY3ODk6 Q0RFRkdISUpTVFVWV1hZWmJjZGVmZ2hpanN0dXZ3eHl6goOEhYaHiImKkpOUlZaXmJmaoqOk paanqKmqsrO0tba3uLm6wsPExcbHyMnK0tPU1dbX2Nna4uPk5ebn6Onq8vP09fb3+Pn6EQAB 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independentes, além de promover uma série de ações de alcance global através de suas próprias páginas no X (previamente Twitter) e Instagram. No contexto brasileiro, vemos o grupo “Army Help The Planet”, que centraliza ações sociais brasileiras e apoia diferentes causas, promovendo a disseminação de informações, angariação de fundos e doações. O grupo Army Doe Vida dedica-se a disseminar e apoiar movimentos para doações de sangue, leite materno e medula óssea no Brasil. Verificamos, então, que os fandoms, longe de se constituírem apenas como plataformas de consu- mo e usufruto cultural, facilitando a constituição de comunidades virtuais em torno de conteúdos lúdicos, artísticos s culturais, também podem afirmar-se como campos de debate público e exercí- cio de cidadania, em torno de certas causas específicas. O caráter gregário, conectado e global des- tas redes permite uma rápida partilha de informação e o desenvolvimento de acções concertadas, contrariando constrangimento espácio-temporais. Considerações Finais O desenvolvimento cada vez mais complexo dos espaços digitais converteram-nos em territórios essenciais de participação juvenil e de construção da identidade pessoal e cultural daqueles que pertencem a este grupo etário. A onipresença da internet na vida moderna faz desta um espaço essencial, também, para a construção da cidadania e para participação política e social. 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nTZ4I8KT9IvE+ZHp1ulCo16feG1UzysIPBDhV7SsT5kenXVk3BThNDnOAnlyzEJHHjcO7sVF lVXUsx16w1rbaBrjZDiCCAutphUEKFChVSBf/9k= posição de diferentes dimensões da vida social e pessoal, sobrepondo a esfera privada e pública, 12 Priscila Rodrigues Tarlé Soares; Ricardo Campos misturando o lazer e o entretenimento, com a acção pública e cívica. Isto é especialmente relevante ao nível das redes sociais e de certas plataformas digitais que favorecem estas dinâmicas. No âmbito dos fandoms, o advento das redes sociais trouxe consigo a criação de novos espaços onde fãs podem interagir entre si e com conteúdo oficial de seus ídolos, configurando comuni- dades digitais complexas. No âmbito do K-pop, estas redes impulsionam a formação de relações simbióticas entre fãs, ídolos e conglomerados corporativos que atuam em conjunto em prol da disseminação dos ídolos. No entanto, estes espaços têm sido empregados também em prol de atividades de cyberativismo. Os fãs, compelidos pelo desejo de elevar a reputação de seus ídolos, popularizar ações sociais lo- cais ou em solidariedade com movimentos globais, passam a empregar táticas parecidas com as de disseminação dos seus ídolos, ativando as mesmas redes e comunidades digitais como forma de disseminar ou organizar movimentos coletivos. O grupo BTS configura um dos maiores exemplos de expressões de fãs nas redes sociais que atuam em campanhas de ativismo abertamente políticas. A atuação das ARMYs nas redes sociais de apoio a movimentos como o Black Lives Matter e em condenação das campanhas do ex-presidente ame- ricano Donald Trump destacam características contra-hegemônicas do fandom, e de uma corrente de solidarização antirracista que liga as lutas dos movimentos negros e asiáticos. Mais estudos são necessários para compreender a motivação individual que leva a atuação e apoio destas lutas – se esta é levada por uma conexão pessoal com estes movimentos ou como forma de pertencimento a comunidade ARMY – nas redes sociais e se este apoio se estende a ações offline. No entanto, buscamos apresentar como as redes sociais configuraram um aspecto essencial para configuração de espaços que permitem esse tipo de expressão comunitária e para a popularização destes movimentos. Referências AMARAL, Inês. 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Mobile Media & Communication, v. 4, n. 1, p. 85-101, 2016. 15 We Are Bulletproof BTS/We Are Bulletproof: The Use of Social Networks as Spaces for CollectiveMobilization by BTS Fans Abstract The rapid development and popularization of so- cial networks has created a series of opportunities and challenges for different areas. Within the field of fan studies, digital spaces have come to confi- gure areas of academic and social interest, as they provide fans with the ability to exchange knowled- ge with each other, publish their own content and promote their object of interest to new audiences without geographical constrictions. We highlight K-pop as a cultural phenomenon that promotes the use of social networks to create and promo- te content through the collective mobilization of its fans. This article seeks, through a literature review, to enrich the dialogue around the collec- tive mobilizations carried out by K-pop fandoms. We will highlight how fans of the group BTS sel- f-organize and mobilize actions through the use of social networks. To this end, we will base our observations on studies by Booth (2010), Jenkins and Deuze (2008), among others. Keywords: Fan Studies, Social Media, K-pop, Col- lective Action, Fandom. We Are Bulletproof: El uso de las redes sociales como espacios de movilización colectiva por parte de los fans de BTS Resumen El rápido desarrollo y popularización de las redes sociales ha creado una serie de oportunidades y desafíos para diferentes áreas. Dentro del campo de los estudios sobre fans, los espacios digitales han pasado a configurar áreas de interés académi- co y social, ya que brindan a los fans la posibilidad de intercambiar conocimientos entre sí, publicar sus propios contenidos y promocionar su objeto de interés a nuevas audiencias sin restricciones geográficas. Destacamos el K-pop como un fenó- meno cultural que promueve el uso de las redes sociales para crear y promocionar contenidos a través de la movilización colectiva de sus fans. Este artículo busca, por medio de una revisión de la literatura, enriquecer el diálogo en torno a las movilizaciones colectivas realizadas por los fan- doms del K-pop. Destacaremos cómo los fans del grupo BTS se autoorganizan y movilizan acciones mediante el uso de las redes sociales. Para ello, basaremos nuestras observaciones en estudios de Booth (2010), Jenkins y Deuze (2008) y otros. Palabras Clave: Fan Studies, Redes Sociales, K-pop, Acción Colectiva, Fandom. HISTÓRICO Recebido: Junho/24 Parecer: Setembro/24 Parecer: Outubro/24 Aceito: Outubro/24 Revisado Autor: Novembro/24 Revisão Gramatical/Ortográfica e ABNT: Novembro/24 Publicado: Novembro/24 Equipe Editorial Revista TOMO envolvida no processo editorial deste artigo Marina de Souza Sartore (Editora-Chefe) Gabriela Losekan (Editora Junior) Ítalo Gordiano de Cerqueira (Editor-Junior)